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Book_^C_^l 



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THE CAMPAIGN ll\ SOL'TH CAROLINA 



V if 



The "Mississippi" Tadics as Weed in Sootti Carolina^"- 



LETTER OF GOT. CHAMBERLAIN 

TO THE 

CHAIRMAN' OF THE STATE DEMOCRATIC EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 



Republican Reform Vindicated and Democratic Violence Arraigned 



/I FREE BALLOT SHALL BE SECURED 



Colonel Haskell to Governor Cbam- 
berlain. 

EooMS State Democratic Executivk Committke, 
Columbia, S. C, September '2S, 1876. 
To his Excellency Daniel H. Chamberlain, Columbia, 

8. C. 

Sir: I begleavt to tender you, in behalf of General 
Wade Hampton and the other nominees upon the state 
democratic ticket, and in pursuance of the spirit 
manifested in the card issued on 23d August by the 
state democratic executive committee, an invitation 
to attend the democratic mass meetings which are 
being held in succi^ssion in each county in the state. 
The order in which they follow, together with the 
dates, ajipears in nearly all of the papers in the state. 
Tou are invited to be present and join in the discus- 
sion. Tou are aware that the canvass is a warm one, 
and that your party and your own official course are 
charged with having inflicted great wrongs upon the 
people whose interests it is your duty to promote. 
That is the nature of political discussion under such 
circumstances; hut you are at the same time well 
aware that the peojile you are invited to address are, 
by nature and by habit, quiet and law-abiding, and 
that, so far from rudeness or violence, you will per- 
sonally receive nothing but courteous treatment, 
however bitterly yoiu- political and official course may 
be assailed. 

Tou will call to mind that on the ISth instant I 
gave this invitation to you verbally, and your reply 
■was that you appreciated the attention, but your 
policy foi the camiiaign had not been fi.xed; that per- 
sonal mattes required you to go north; that your ab- 
sence would be lor probably eight days, and vou could 
not give your posiUve answer until after your return. 
I learned yesterday that you had returned, and I beg 
leave, as I said, to formally extend to you this invita- 
tion, assuring you that if you accept It your appear- 
ance before the democracy throughout this state will 
be to yourself as governor a most pleasin;^ refutation 
of the slanderous charges which constantly are pub- 
lished aeainst our pnrtv in some newRpapers wnlch 
ciH 1(1 to i.e jfoi.r pn il;cal •agwic, .ui ! ols^i iu iin- 



northern papers, backed by the name of Senator Pat- 
terson or some other person, who claims to be your 
political friend and exponent. We deem it due to you 
and to ourselves that these charges be either contra- 
dicted by your denial of them or looked into by your 
going in person to ascertain the truth. You do not 
hold the position of candidate only, you are also gov- 
ernor of this state; and while as a mere candidate vou 
may not be bound to correct charges which your fol- 
lowers make against your opponents, though you 
know them to be false, you are as governor and can- 
didate bound by your gubernatorial pledge and honor 
to prevent your follovvers using the sanction of your 
official silence to sustain these charges against your 
opponents when the charges allege the overthrow of 
the peace and dignity of the state which you are 
sworn to defend. As instances of the class of slanders 
to which I refer, I beg leave to cite the following: 
Washington, September 6. 
It is reported here, upon what is deemed good 
authority, that parties in New York have agreed to 
ship Chamberlain 20,000 stand of arms to arm the 
blacks in South Carolina. This is one of Chamber- 
lain's tricks to curry favor with the blacks and be re- 
nominated. The arms will be landed in Charleston 
on the 11th instant, the day before the meeting of the 
republican state convention. Whilo here. Chamber- 
lain was very bitter in his denunciation of the South 
Carolina whites, calling them ka klux, scoundrels, 
&c. — New York Sun. 

Washington, September 6. 
Governor Chamberlain, of South Carolina, has just 
returned from another visit to this city to confer with 
the authorities upon sending troops to that state. 
The governor was noisy in his denunciations of such 
men as Haskell, Hampton, Gary, ex-Governor Perry 
and others, whom lie charges are on the eve of pre- 
cipitating another rebellion. lie makes the idle boast 
that he has proof that Butler and Hampton were at 
the head of thu Hamburg riot, and h« expects in less 
than two months to have them tried. The governor 
declared to a prominent South Carolina politician last 
night that hs w«r done with reform talk, and hereaf- 
td .li.' ,< ^'slutiiic .toiiM li.d I. oil. I' t' II, i.tui. I'tie < 






governor lias made arrangements to have 20.000 stand 
of arms Si'nt down to arm the blacks. The arms will 
be landed in Charleston on the lllli instant, the day 
previous to the meeting ef the radical convention. 
[New York World. 
"Washington, September 20. 
Senator Patterson arrived here this morning from 
South Carolina to ai)pl.v for more hidp to protect the 
voters and prevent the terrorism which extends over 
the whole slate, trovereor Chamberlain and United 
States Marshal Wallace and others will arrive to-mor- 
row morning. An old resident of Columbia told ihe 
senator last week that he could not speak to him on 
the street if he met him. The excitemeni and feeling 
is far worse than it was in 1S60 and the days of seces- 
sion, and it is dangerous to even sfteak to a radical. 
Judge Cooke, who has .acted for years with the repub- 
licans, made a speech not long since advocating the 
election of Wade Hampton and Governor Tilden, and 
e.Kciised himself by saying that he was forced to do so 
to save his projierty and perhaps his life. 

The whole white mule democratic population is 
said 10 be comjiletely armed, and larae consiirnments 
of rifles, revolvers and knives are received constantly. 
Yet no dealer will sell a republican even a knife. 
The very boys are armed, and the boys of the military 
school at Columbia openly w-ear their revolvers belted 
around them. The senator says that fully 30,000 men, 
armed and mounted, are thoroughly patrolling the 
whole state under the direction and command of LJut- 
ler, of Hamburg fume, and these forces are not only 
ai-med, but completely organized and drilled. 

The peo|de are reported as expressing themselves 
openly in favor of a fight, and as saying they don't 

care a for the United States, the troops, or the 

north, but that they are ready and anxious to cl'-ar 
out all the troops that General Grant can send. They 
say that if they do have anv trouble Governor Tilden 
will carry Indiana and Ohio in October, and N«w 
York in November, which ensures his election; they 
are bound to elect Hampton or destroy the state. 
■Senator Patterson says that unless they have imme- 
diate help no colored man will dure to move or talk, 
mucn Irss to vote, and if Indiana goes democratic 
that South Carolina, North Carolina and Florida will 
follow, and there will be an outbreak which will 
almost be .one of extermination of republicars. 
Murders are done every day of which not a whisper 
reaches the north.— New York Tribune. 

It is not my meaning that you should take the pains 
to deny every error that may appear in campaign 
speeches or papers, but I do mean that when state- 
ments appear as conling from yiuirself, or from others 
who are robed with the dignity of office, which ought 
to attach importance and a credibility to what they 
say, and when these utterances, as in the instiinces 
above cited, are totally 'false and affect the character 
of the state, it is the duty, I respectfully submit, of 
the governor to deny them. And if he (the governor) 
believes them to be true, it is his duty to restore 
peace and order; and to do so it is his sworn duty to 
call upon the citizens to sustain him and enforce the 
law. All these assaults are made against the demo- 
eiatio party. Whatever may be our political error, in 
your estimation, in belonging to that party, we are 
none the less citizens of this state, and as such we 
have the right to ask of you that protection which, in 
your official position, you alone can give. 

li there be terrorism and violence in the state, call 
upon us to suppress it, and do not let the name of the 
sl^te be perverted to dishonorable political purposes. 
You, and no one better, know that the white peoi)lc 
of South Carolina are struggling as few people ever 
have done to cast off a burthen of corruption and 
wrong such as yet fewer people have ever borne so 
long. In your own words, speaking of your own 
party : 

*-iteform, if it was not of itself right, has become 
absolutely necessary, or the state will sink." 

"The party has ever been going into campaigns 
promising retrenchment and reform and never per- 
forming it." 

"Matters cannot run for sis years to come as they 
have for the past six years." 

'•Those figures" (speaking of legislative expenses) 
"I may say are unparalleled in the history of Ameri- 
can legislation. It is stealing pure and simple." 

And, referring to the election of two judges— elected, 
I may say, by the leading man now on the ticket with 
you, "their election has sent a thrill of horror 
tliroughout the siate. * * * j jo^k to 

their election as a horrible disaster." "The civiliza- 
tion of the puritan and the cavalier, of the roundhead 
and the Huguenot, is in peril. Courage, determina- 
tion, union, victory, must be our watchwords." 

"No party can rule this state that supports Whip- 
per and Moses. * * * * There is but one way to 
e ave the republican party in South Carolina, and th»t 
way is to unload Whlpper and Moses and all who go 
with them. » » * » Neither the administration 



at Washington, with all its appliances— civil and mili- 
tary — nor all the denunciations of the world he.iped 
upon toe, can save the republican jiarty here from 
overwhelming defeat during this year, unles'S we can 
persuade the people of this state that such things as 
these judicial elections will be undone .lud never by 
possibility repeated." 

Yon know that the men who were the leaders, who 
conducted that election, and who perpetrated the 
wrongs of which it was a feeble expivssioti, are the 
same men who control the ticket upon which your 
name stands, who devised your partv plillunn.'and 
are to-day your political exjioncnts. You know that 
it is against all this that our unfortut ate people are 
struggling; and yet you know full well that their ef- 
lorts, although in the warmth of canvass, are orderly 
and within the law. Your manhood compels you to 
approve our course, but we do not call upon you for 
that. As a candidate you are entitled to ".all benefits 
which can accrue from the measures which your fol- 
lowers (or, if you would perinit me, I would say your 
party leaders, for your independent course was very 
different,) have ad->pted. Kut as the governor of the 
state you are called upon to either contradict the as- 
sertion that the law is overthrown and that terroiism 
prevails, or to suppress this lawlessness; and it is our 
right that you call upon us before you tcppeal to the 
governmiiit of the United States. Our services are 
at your coiumand, and whatever is our duty we are 
ready to do. 

To recur. I beg leave again to extend to you the 
Invitation, and ask of you to communicate it to the 
candidates upon your ticket, as it is meant for them 
as well as for yourself. It is the wish of the demo- 
cratic party that you accept it, for we are earnestly 
desirous to remove the bitterness of race feeling, 
which we attribute to the prtjudices and erroneous 
views which have been instilled into the colored race. 
And we honestly desire "peaceful and unir.amraeled 
discussion, that the people may become enlightened 
on the issues of the day." 

Your early reply will be deemed a favtu-, and if 
such be your wish, preparation will be made to re- 
ceive you at the first meeting that it shall be your 
pleasure to indicate. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your 
obedient servant, 

A. C. Haskkli,. 
Chairman state democratic executive committee. 



Governor Chamberlain''^ Reply. 

Columbia, S. C, October 4, ]876. 
A. C. Haskell, Esq., Chairinan Democratic 

State Executive Committee, Coliimbia, S. C. 

Sir: I have received j-oiir commtiiiicatioii 
of the 28lh ultimo, covering several matters 
connected with the political canvass now in 
progress in this state and the general condi- 
tion of our public affairs. You fir.st invite 
me and the nominees upon the republican 
state ticket "to attend the deniocratic mass 
meetings which are being held in succession 
in each county in the stale." This part of 
your communication would have been ad- 
dressed more naturally — and I trust you will 
permit me to add, more properly — to the 
chairman of t!ie republican state committee, 
whose function it is. as the organ of that 
committee, to consider and determine the 
methods and order of the canvass on the part 
of the republican party. In answer, there- 
fore, to your invitation, I am unable to say 
more than that I have informed ilie chairman 
of the republican state committee that as soon 
as the duties of my office, which now impera- 
tively require my presence at the capital, shall 
permit it, I shall be ready to meet General 
Hampton at any suitable pomls in the state, 
not in "democratic mass meetings," but in 
mass meetmgs to be called by both parties for 
the purpose of joint discussions, upon terms 
of perfect equality in all respects of the po- 
litical issues now before our people. You will 
doubtless receive at an early day a proposi- 
tion of such a nature from the republican state 
committee, with such suggestions regarding 
details as will commend themselves to your 



sense oF fairness and 5«ecnretlie objects which 
ynu profess to seek in your invitation — tlie 
removal of "the bitterness of race feeUus?, 
^ which we (you) attribute to the prejudices 
^ and erroneous views whicli have been in- 
- stilled into the colored race," and a "peaceful 
■ and niitrarameled discussion, tliat the people 
' may become eniiplitened on the issues of llio 
day." In saying this, I am confident I faith- 
fully represent also the wishes and purposes 
of all my associates ou the republican state 
ticket. 

The remainder of your communication is 
occupied with statements of what you claim 
to lie the spirit and conduct and purposes of 
the democratic part}' in the state, with a spe- 
cial call upoii me "as governor and candidate," 
to contradict certain alleged statements re- 
specting the present condition of the state and 
the action of men who belong to the demo- 
cratic part}', which you call " slanderous 
charges," or to 'iook into ihem by going in 
person to ascertain the truth." You say that 
"my appearance before the democracy through 
out the state will be to me as governor a most 
pleasing refutation ot the slanderous charges 
which constantly are published against your 
party in some newspapers which claim to be 
my political oi'gans, and also in the northern 
papers, backed by the name of Senator Pat- 
terson or some otlier person who claims to be 
my political friend and exponent." You say 
that I am "as governor and candidate, bound 
by my gubernatorial pledge and honor, to 
prevent my followers using the sanction of 
my official sileuce to sustain these charges 
against my opponents, when these charges 
allege the overthrow of the peace and dignity 
of the state which I am sworn to defend." 
You present three examples of the charges to 
which you refer, are taken from the Washington 
correspondence, respectively, of the New 
York Sun, New York World and New York 
Tribune. You say that "these utterances, in 
the instances above cited, are totally false, 
and aifsct the character of the state," and 
that if I "believe them to be true it is my 
duty to restore peace and order, and to do so 
it is my sworn duty to call upon the citizens 
to sustain me and enforce the law." 

You proceed further to say that "I, and no 
one better, know that the white people of 
South Carolina are struggling as few people 
ever have done to cast off a burthen of cor- 
ruption and wrong, such as yet fewer people 
have ever borne so long," and you proceed to 
make extended quotations from former re- 
marks of mine respecting our public affairs, 
and to say that the men who committed the 
wrongs which I denounced "are the same 
men who control the ticket upon which my 
name stands, who devised my party platform 
and are to-day my political exponents." You 
say that I "know that it is against all this 
that our unfortunate people are struggling, 
and yet that I know full well that their efforts, 
although in the warmth of canvass, are order- 
ly and within the law." You say that my 
"manhood compels me to approve your 
course," and finally you declare that "as 
governor of the state i am called upon to 
either contradict the assertion that the law is 
overthrown, and that terrorism prevails, or 
to suppress this lawlessness," and that "it 
is your right that I call upon you before I ap- 
peal to the goTcrnraent of the United States." 



I am pleased to observe and acknowledge 
the respectful terms in which your statements 
and charges arc framed, so far as they affect 
me. These statements and charges cover in 
substance the whole field of our present politi- 
cal controversy, together with the matters 
growing out of that controversy, and affect- 
ing the public peace and the common civil 
rights of our citizens. In addition to j'our 
direct call upon me, in your character as the 
official representative of the democratic parry, 
to express my views upon the matters pre- 
sented by you, the nature of your communi- 
cation and the statements and charges which 
you make seem to compel me to speak. I 
do this with profound reluctance. Not only 
will the expression of my views disclose how 
widely you and I stand apart upon all the 
questions involved, but it will, in my sober 
iudgment, disclose to the world a condition of 
things inexpressibly disgraceful to the good 
name of our state. Though General Hamp- 
ton is reported to have said .inbstantiallj-, in 
recent public speeches, that I could not, by 
reason of my nativity, feel such an interest and 
pride in the fame of South Carolina as becomes 
her governor, and, though you may sha.-e in 
this opinion, I still venture to say to you that 
I have regretted deeply the receipt of your 
communication, because it forces me, while I 
hold my present high office, to present views 
and convictions which, if correct, reflect in- 
fiuite discredit upon a large portion of the 
people of this state. It is, however, as por- 
tions of your communication show, no new 
experience to me to find myself compelled by 
a sense of duty to pursue a course which has 
subjected me, not only as in the present in- 
stance, to the increased hostility of political 
opponents, but to the suspicion and denuncia- 
tion of political friends. But I profess to put 
my duty to the state above all other present 
considerations, and that dut}', as I understand 
It, requires me to reply to your communica- 
tion fully, plainly and fearlessly. 

SLANDEROUS CHARGES. 

"With respect to the specific instances of 
"slanderous charges," which you cite from the 
New York papers, let me first say that the 
statements respecting me made in the Sun 
and the World are wholly untrue and un- 
founded. Nothing remotely resembling what 
is there slated was ever said or done by me. 
The extract from the Tribune professes to 
give the views and statements of Senator 
Patterson, for which I am not responsible. 
How far my views coincide with or differ 
from those attributed to Senator Patterson 
will best appear in what I sliall hereafter saj. 

I shall now proceed to present my views 
upon the several matters relating to our pres- 
ent political condition which are covered by 
your communication. 

THE ISSUE STATED. 

Your claim in substance is that I am the 
head of a party and ticket which represents 
and is responsible for a burden of corruption 
and wrongs grievously oppressive to the 
state; that the success of that party and 
ticket would be disastrous to the interests of 
the state; that my position upon that ticket is 
inconsistent with my public record; that the 
democracy, on the other hand, are engaged in 
a political struggle with the sole aim ol free- 
ing ili(! st:,te frura thi-: burden <-} .ojmp.ii.;! 



tnd wrongs, and that all your methods and 
jictions are peaceful and vvitliin the law. lu 
support of your view of my present position, 
you refer to my pulilic denunciations of past 
acts of tlie republican paity or its members. 
You tlms challenge not only my political in- 
tegrity and honor, but ray personal consistency 
as a public man. In order properly to meet 
your challenge, especially as to my personal 
consistency, I must refer to the course of 
events m tliis slate during the last two years. 

REVIEW OF LAST TWO YEARS. 

I was nominated and elected in 1874 as the 
candidate of the republican party, under 
pledges, both personal and party, to reform 
the abuses which then existed. In ray inaug- 
ural address I developed in detail my plans of 
reform — plans which met the earnest approval 
of the general public of the state without 
regard to party. That I pursued tire course 
there marked out earnestly and faithfully is a 
claim which cannot be successfully or even 
plausibly disputed. I found a considerable 
part of my own party opposed to my course, 
and thus my tidelily to my pledges and to the 
cause of reform, as I understood it, was put 
to severe and unexpected tests. It is not 
egotism but truth which leads me to affirna 
that I bore those tests in a manner which 
commanded the praise of the friends of reform 
throughout the state. The press of this state, 
the pul>lic utterances of its leading citizens, 
every organ of public opinion, will lurnish the 
proof of this assertion. My record as gov- 
ernor was elaborately reviewed in July last 
by the Charleston News and Courier — beyond 
comparison the ablest, and, in a normal con- 
dition of affairs, the most liberal, dem.ocratic 
newspaper in this state or in the south — in a 
series of editorial articles founded on official 
and iudispulable records. From the closhig 
article of this series, entitled "The Record of 
Governor (Chamberlain — A Summary," I make 
the followiug extracts: 

"We have scrutiiiiz(?d, one by one, the most Impor- 
t.ant pledces and recoiniuendations contaiiu d in thv; 
ad.lresses and unessa;;c-s since his election, and we now 
briefly sum up the result of the investigation we have 
nuvdu." 
* «* * * ♦ * ♦ 

"The abuse of the pardoning power has been cor- 
rected. 

"The character of the officers of the g"V^rnment, 
appointed by the e.xecutive has been improved, and 
the sureties upon the bonri.i of public ofllcers have 
been required to make affidavits of their ability to 
meet the liability they assume. 

"The settlement of the public debt has been main 
taiued unchanged, and faith with the public oredit'ir 
so far as dependent on executive and legislative ac- 
tion has been fully kept. 

"The effort to place the whole of the public funds 
in two b.nks of small capital was frustrated, and the 
state so saved from the danger of far greater loss than 
was sustained by the failure of the Bolomon bank. 

"The floating indebtedness of the state has been 
provided for in such a way that tho rejecting of 
llaiiduleut claims is assured; the recognized and valid 
claims are scaled one-half the amount, and their pay- 
ment is distributed over a term of four years, result- 
ing in a saving to the state of at least $400,000. 

"The tax laws have been amended so as to secure 
substantial unanimity and equality in the assessment 
of property for taxation. 

"The contingent funds of the executive department 
have been so reduced in amount that the saving in 
two years, upon the basis of the average of six previ- 
ous years, is $101,200. 

"Legislative expenses, in like manner, and upon a 
similar basis, have been eo reduced as to save the 
people in two years $350,810. 

"Legislative contingent expenses in the same way 
liave been so reduced as to save the state $355,000. 

"In the expenditure of contingent funds accounta- 
bility and publicity have been secured. 



'■■The cost of public printing has been reduced from 
.an annufil average of $:W6,209'to $50,000, saving in twcr 
years $512,418 The salaries of public officers have 
been reduced $30,01)0 a year. 

"The tax levy for the curren t year for stale pur- 
poses has been reduccil from 13i mills to II mills, 
a saving to the people this year of $800,000. 

"The deficieuciea (including the los.ses by the Solo- 
mon bank) .are, for the vear lST-1-75, $308,872. which ia 
*'?91,024 less than the deficiencies of 1S72-T3, and 
$233,315 less than the deficiencies of 1873-7-i. 

"Under the several heads the savings that have ac- 
tually been made are: 

In the bonanza bill $400,000 

In the executive contingent fund 101.260 

In legislative expenses.' 350,81 1> 

In contingent expenses 355.000 

In public printing 512,413 

Totrd $1,719,485 

'To realize this amount would require a tax of 
nearly one and a half per cent. Had the appropria- 
tions of the past two years has been as inordinate as 
the average of the appropriaiion.s and expenditures of 
the preceeding ye.ars, the stat- taxes of the past two 
ye.irs would have been tbrse-quarter per cent, a year 
uiiire than the outrageous rate actually levied. 

"This is the record of Governor Chambcarlain aa 
shown by hard figures and unmistakable facts. 'We 
have strained or exaggerated nothing. The plain 
truth as we know it has been faithfully given. And 
we maintain that the record us it sfamis is one of 
which Governor Chamberlain has cause to be proud, 
that It justifies the support which has been given him, 
and is a complete answer to those of our friends whO' 
think that no act of Governor Chamberlain deserves^ 
public commendation but his refusal to issue the 
coitiinissions to Whipper and Moses That bold act 
applauded oveiywhcre in Sonth Carolina has not been 
mentioned in these ;M'ticlcs." * * * 

No act or word of mine since the publica- 
tion of those articles, and up to my renomi- 
nation as governor during the past month, can 
be pointed to which is iucoosistent with the 
record thus presented. I was a candidate tor 
renominalion by the republican party upon 
my record as a republican reformer. Every 
man and every newspaper speaking for me or 
representing me, placed liis advocacy of my 
renomination upon the distinct ground of my 
fideliiy and success in the work of reform in 
this state. I myself during the months of July 
and August last made an extensive cauvassof 
the state, addressing mass meetings in over 
twenty counties, and on every occasion when 
I addressed the people without hindrance or 
restraint, (the exceptional occasions I shall 
refer to hereafter,) I announced in clear and 
aggressive terms my determination to push 
forward the work of reform, declared tliat I 
stood upon ray record as governor, and had 
become again a candidate solely for the pur- 
pose of completing the \^ork I had already 
begun. The issue involved in my candidacy 
for reBoniination was everywhere proclaimed 
by my friends and admitted by my enemies to 
be the endorsement or rejection, by tlie repub- 
lican party, of my work and policy of reform. 
Upon the assembling of the republican nomi- 
nating convention during the past mouth it 
appeared that fully two-thirds ol its members 
were immovably determined upon my renomi- 
nation. I have never heard of a suspicion or 
hint that any motives were presented to any 
members of that convention to inHuence their 
action, except the single consideration of my 
merits or demerits as presented in my record 
of the past two years. My renomination was 
earnesily, not to say violently, opposed by a 
minority of the convention, but this opposi- 
tion was placed whollv upon charges of my 
want of fidelity to strictly partisan interests 
of the republican party or a failure to suffici- 
ently regard the interests and wishes of some 
members of the party. 



THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 

In preparing the plntform of our party I 
was invited by the coraraittee liaviug tlie wofk 
in charge to meet the committee and to pre- 
sent my views. I accepted this invitation, and 
I liere present those portions of tlie platform 
adopted by the convention to vvhicli my ef- 
forts were especially directed. 

'•4 That ill presenting to the people of 
South Carolina our nominees lor tlie higli of- 
fices of the state for the coming two years, 
we believe we should make plain and nnmis- 
takable tiie aims and principles to vvhicli we 
stand pledged^ in the event oi' their election; 
-iiot in glittering generaliiif-sof reform, but in 
specilic and substantial anieles. 

"G. We jiledge ourselves 10 thorough re- 
form in all departments of the state govern- 
ment where abuses shall be found to e.xist, 
and, as an earnest of the same, declare our 
purpose of submitting to the qualified voters 
of the state the following specific reforms 
as amendments to the state constitution : 

1. That the present adjustment of the bon(le<l <Iebt 
of the .state shall be inviolable. 

2. That the general assembly shall meet only once 
in everj' two years, anil that the length of no session 
thereof shall exceed seventy days. 

3. That the number ot sessions of courts of pene- 
ral sessions and comuion j^leas shall be reduced to 
two annually in e.ach county, with power reserved to 
the -judsres tociUI special sessions wlKjn nece.'Sary. 

4. That the veto power of the governwr shall be so 
niodilied as to allow of the disaiiproval of a part wivh- 
DUt effect upon ihe n st ot an act. 

5. That agriculturiil interests sh-nll be relieved from 
hur<lens<-»ine taxation by a mow (>(iuii.able distrii'Utjon 
■of taxes and by the in.aiauration of a sysLeiii of 
licenses fixed upon f ,ir pi-ineiples. 

G. That no public funds shall ever be usevl for the 
«n[,)port «f sectarian inslitutionr'. 

T. That the enormous evil of local and special let'is- 
liitioii bhall be prohibited whenever [u-ivaie interests 
•can be pnitf cted uniier srenerai laws. 

8. And inasmuch as tiie system of free schools was 
<;reated in the stale by the repubJic:in l)arly, and 
fitiould be especially fostered ami protected by it, we 
pledire ourselves to tlio sujiport of the !,-nieudtuent 
to the state constitution, now belore the people, estab- 
Jishinif a permanei.t rax for the support of tree 
■schools, and preventing the i-inioval of school funds 
from the counties where rai.sed. 

7. We pledge ourselves and the nominees 
of the republican party of the state to the 
securing of the fellowiug purposes by legisla- 
tive enactment 

1. The further and lowest refl action of ss! iries of 
all public servants, consistent with the necessities of 
government. 

2. The reduction of fees au costs, especially of at- 
torneys in civil cases, and tlie amendment ot the laws 
jroverning the Si ttleiiient of es a'cs in such m.inner as 
*o secure a more economical administration »nd set- 
tlciiient of small esta-tes. 

3. file immediate repeal of the agricultural lien law. 

4. Public printing to be reduced at least one-third 
•of t'le present appi«prianoii. 

5. Convict lab. r to iie utilired tinder such laws as 
shall i-ecure hnman« Ireatm nt and the support of 
-Convicts without neeuless expense to t'he state. 

•<. The annual apiii-Mpriations for public institutions 
to lic econornically Made and properly ejipendcd. 

7. The immbt-r of trial justices to be reduce I 
throughout tlie state, and each justice to lie assianed 
to specific territory, iv'tli moderate salniK'S to ciTer 
costs of crifiiinal tjusine.ss, adjusted in proportion to 
populations. 

S. liecoiinlzinsr the enormous ex[iense of fencing 
farms and the scarcity of riuiber in swine sections of 
the stat<', we leel jt to be iieci'ssary that (inictical re- 
lief be afforded to the piople oi' the state, and we 
jdi-dge ourselves to secure such 1. gislution upon the 
cubjert as will giv.- to the e'ectai-s of each county the 
riglit tii) regulate tbis questiwn for thcuiseices. 

I make no comment on this platform further 
than to invite its comparison with the plat- 
form of the democratic party, and its eicamiua- 



tion as a statement of the practical reforms 
and changes now demanded by the best in- 
terests of the state. 

RESULTS ACCOMPLISHED. 

Two results accomplished by the republican 
convention have now been preseiated. Eirst, 
my renomination by more than a two-thirds 
vote upon the sole and distinct issue of my 
reform record; second, the adoption by the 
convention of a platform which binds the 
re[)ublican parly to retorm in general, and to 
reform in detail — a platform which must meet 
the approval of every man who is laraihar 
wiih the present practical wants of the state. 
I now present these two resulisas a complete 
refutation of j-oiir charge of personal incon- 
sistency on my part in accepting my present 
position on the republican ticket, as well as a 
vindication and proof of the determination of 
the republican party to carry forward and 
complete the work of reform. So far as these 
two results are concerned, I do not know how 
my policy and record as governor — which has 
coinmanded, as I have shown, in its relations 
to relor/n, the cordial prai.se and approval of 
almost every man in your party — could have 
received a more signal or satisfactory endorse- 
ment by my own party. Looking to these re- 
sults my position is one of complete, fairly- 
earned, honorable triumph. It is far better 
than that — it is an ample and remarkable 
tritimph of the great cause of governmental 
reform in this state. 

NOJIINATION" OP MR. ELLIOTT. 

But there are expressions in your communi- 
cation which indicate tliat in your view the 
alleged inconsistency and dislionor of my 
present position lie in my association upon 
the republican ticket with certain other nomi- 
nees, and especially with Mr. Klliott, the nomi- 
nee for altorney-general. Of my associates 
upon the state ticket, other than Mr. Elliott, I 
know of no alleged public cause of complaint 
or dissatisfaction, except that two of them 
have disapproved of my course as governor 
on certain party grounds, while I ought not to 
omit to add that in the renomination of Mr. 
Cardozo as treasurer, a gentleman who has 
been my conspicuous and devoted friend and 
supporter in every feature of my admmistra- 
tiou, the cause of reform has achieved an- 
other most notable triumph. "With reference 
to the nomination of Mr. Elliott, I am charged 
with individual inconsistenay and want of 
fidelity to reform because Mr. Elliott has op- 
posed my course as governor in some impor- 
tant features and was strenuously opposed to 
my renomination. It is true that Mr. lOlliolt 
has differed from me widely in some instances, 
atid particularly in respect to the election of 
Whipper as circuit judge and my refusal to 
sign his commission. If it l>e inconsistent 
and dishonorable for me to remain upon the 
ticket for this cause I think I can point you to 
similar instances of dishonor among those who 
still commtiud your support. 

DEMOCRATIC •' DISIIOXOU." 

Governor Tildeii was nominated by tlie 
democratic party as a professed hard money 
candidate on a professed hard money plat- 
form. He is associated on the same ticket 
with Governor Hendricks, his most prominent 
opponent for the nouiination of president, and 
the leading champion of soft money and in- 
flation. No more pronounced antagonism of 



views upon the leading political issue, prior to 
their Dominations, could iiave existed; yet we 
now see Governor Tilden and Governor Hen- 
dricks adjusting themselves, with a skill and 
success greatly satisfactory to your parly at 
least, upon the same ticket and the same plat- 
form, and I hear no charge of inconsistency 
or dishonor against Governor Tildeu from the 
democratic party. 

But 1 do not choose to answer your 
charge with this retort alone. While 
it is true — and I think it due to myself 
to state the fact — that I did not approve of or 
aid in or consent to the nomination of Mr. 
Elliott, it is also true that Mr. Elliott, at the 
time of his nomination and since, has declared 
his full and cordial acceptance of the work of 
the convention in renominating me and in 
adopting the platform which pledges the party 
and its nominees to thorough and specific re- 
forms. The causes of his nominauon were 
not liis opposition to me or to reform, but his 
admitted ability for the position, his bong re- 
cord of political service to his party and a de- 
sire, as in tlie case of Governor Hendricks, to 
conciliate an element of the party which 
had been defeated in my renomiuation. I am, 
therefore, in no sense compromised or dishon- 
ored in my character as a reformer by my as- 
sociation upon the same ticket with Mr. El- 
liott. On the contrary, I am entitled to all 
the confidence ever bestowed upon me in that 
respect, so far as mv individual or personal 
position is concerned, and I am entitled to all 
the increase of confidence which comes from 
my success in bringing my own party to en- 
dorse me and the entire policy of reform which 
I have inaugurated and carried on, and the 
consequent increase of ray ability to serve that 
cause. 

Whenever you or others present the record 
of my denunciations of past wrongs done by 
the republican party in this state, you present 
that portion of my record of which I am most 
proud; for, while it is very easy to tloat with 
the tide of party sentiment and action, it is 
some test of one's fidelity to duty to denounce 
the actions of one's party associates and defy 
their opposition and hatred. I stand by every 
■word and syllable of that record. I wish the 
record were longer and louder, though, as it 
stands, I challenge its comparison with that 
of any man in this stats who now opposes me. 

M'lIIPPER AND MOSES. 

Tour communication lays special emphasis, 
as supporting your position, upon the election 
of Whipper and Moses, and you quote con- 
spicuously my denunciations ot those elec- 
tions. I reaffirm every wurd you quote, and I 
further declare that what I then asserted to be 
the only path of duty or safety I'or the republi- 
can party has been done. Whipper and Moses 
and all who go with them have beeu repudi- 
ated and ''unloaded." Their elections have 
been defeated and their threatened elevation 
to the bench of South Carolina has been pre- 
vented. Moses has resigned, and Whipper 
has been compelled to seek tne courts, wherein 
ninety-nine out of every hundred of the law- 
yers of this state regard his claim as destined 
xo sure defeat. And tliis has been accom- 
plished by the republican party; for whatever 
I have done is chargeable to the credit of the 
jepubliciin party, which has now endor.^etl 
and renominated me. "i.'ourage, determina- 
tion, union, victory," have been "our watch- 



words," and in that sign we have conquered. 
Such, sir, is my answer to your charge of 
personal inconsistency and dishonor in accept- 
ing my present position on the republican 
stute ticket, and to your further charge that 
the success of that ticket would be disastrous 
to the iwterests ot our people. I occupy indi- 
vidually to-day a greatly advanced position on 
the line of the great battle of reform, and I 
liave behind me, following roy lead, the united 
republican party of this state. 

DEMOCKATiC CLAIMS. 

I must now examme your claim that the 
democratic party is engaged in the present 
canvass in a simple struggle to throw off the 
burden of misgoverument, and that all your 
methods and agencies are legitimate and 
peaceful. 

THE " COXSERVATIVE " POLICY. 

You are aware that the present policy of 
the democratic party in this state was earnest- 
ly opposed and its adoption deeply deplored 
by a portion of that party amotuiliug to near- 
ly a majority, and I am aware that that policy 
is still deeply deplored by many of the metn- 
bers of that party. The opponents of that 
policy embraced the leading and only widely- 
circulated newspaper in the state, tlie Charles- 
ton News and Courier, as well as a great num- 
ber of our most honored and experienced: 
citizens, in all ranks and occupations of our 
society. If I were to call the roll of those 
names I think it woul-d be found to embrace 
and represent a vast preponderance t the 
talent, property, political experience and 
breadth of sentiment and view in our state. 
The grounds of their opposition to the polic\-, 
popularly called the '•straight-out" policy,, 
were clearly defined, and had exclusive re- 
ference to the advai!cement of the cause of 
practical reform in the state. They knew 
and recognized the fact that the republican 
party embraced a raaiority of at least twenty- 
five thousand of the voters of the stale. They 
knew and recognized the fact that the colored 
race, who constitute the larger part of the 
republican voters, were attuched to that party 
by ties the strongest wliich ever govern 
men's political actions — tlie proi&und convic- 
tion, whether mistaken or not, that the great 
boons so recently conferred on them — free- 
dom and suffrage — were safe only, in their 
full breadth and beneficence under the pro- 
tection of the party which had conferred them. 
They believed upon evidence too clear to leave 
room for doubt that lor this cause no number 
of these voters, sufficient to change the rela- 
tions of our parlies, coula be detached from 
the republicau party by argument or legitim.ite 
persuasion or otli' r lawful methods of influenc- 
ing their political action. They recognized in 
me one whose republicanism was orig-inal and 
radical, but whose course in the practical con- 
duct of public affairs guve assurance that I 
had the true interests of tdl the people of the 
stale as my guiding principle in public life. 
Upon these grounds tlie men to whom I refer 
counselled a policy which subordinated the 
interests of party to the good of the state. 
Their policy contemplated, first, the acquies- 
cence of the democratic party in my nomina- 
tion by the republicau party, if that should 
take place, and «uch other of the nominees 
upon the republican state ticket as should be 
unexceptionable; and, second, an effort by all 



conciliatory and legitimate means to secure a 
large minority of representation lor the deuio- 
cratic party in both houses of the legislature, 
anil in all local or county offices. In the May 
convention of the democratic party this policy 
apparently received the snpport of a majority 
of the convention. Tljat, it offered the only 
prospect of the removal of the present race 
and party lines, and the establishment of rela- 
tions of confidence and co-operation in public 
afl'airs between the two races, was clear then 
and is clearer now. 

THE " STRAIGHT-OUT " POLICY. 

Opposed to this policy was tiie "straiglit- 
oni" policy — tiie nomination of entire demo- 
cratic state and county ticicets and the inau- 
guration of a purely party struggle. This 
policy was advocated by a class of men, the 
most conspicuous of whom are well known as 
men of extreme views, with strong proclivities 
towards violent methods and measures. It 
was openly advocated as the "Mississippi 
plan," and at the convention which adopted it 
General Ferguson, of Mississippi, appeared as 
an honored guest and filled the office of drill- 
master in the Mississippi tactics. This policy 
is properly termed in this state the "Edge- 
field" policy, and was also called by the editor 
of the Charleston News and Courier tlie ''shot 
guu" policy. Of the practical details of this 
policy I shall speak hereafter. 

This policy was adopted in the democratic 
state couventiou in August, and was followed 
by the nomination of a full democratic state 
ticket. It was adopted under influences and 
auspices, it was advocnted by arguments, it 
has been carried out by methods and measures 
so exclusively and entirely partisan as to de- 
prive the present democratic canvass of all 
just claims to be what you claim lor it — "the 
struggle of the white people of South Carolina 
to cast off a liurthen of corruption and wrong;" 
and to warrant me in declaring it to be a 
struggle by the deiaocratic party of South Ca- 
rolina to gain political control of the state for 
the sake of partisan power and advantage. 
The men who looked exclusively to reform, 
the arguments whicii promised the attainment 
of practical reform, the methods wliich are 
warranted by a desire for the public good, all 
were opposed tc 'his policy. In saying this I 
am regarding the laets of the case without 
any reference to myself. The democratic 
party of South Carolina were under no polit- 
ical obligation to me, but if they wish to have 
their present claim respected — that they are 
-moved by non-partisan motives in their present 
course — they v.-ere under obligation to adopt 
a policy which did not, as does their present 
policy, array race against race and party 
against party in a fierce struggle for political 
mastery. 

DEMOCRATIC "peaceful" AGENCIES. 

I come now to your claim that in the pres- 
ent canvass all the methods and agencie- em- 
ployed by the democratic party are peace- 
ful, orderly and within the law. In your 
communication you especially assure me that 
if I accept your invitation '-my appearance be- 
fore the democracy throughout the state will 
be to me :;s governor a most pleasing refuta- 
tion of the slanderous charges which are con- 
stantly publisheil against your party." My 
knowledge of the serious cast of your char- 
acter forbids me lo think that you are indulg- 



ing in conscious satire or badinage in giving 
me this assurance. Without expressing any 
doubt cf the good faith of your present assur- 
ance, I fear that your experience in attending 
republican meetings lias been widely different 
from mine in republican meetings where your 
party have attended and demanded an equal 
hearing. I shall, therefore, first call your at- 
tention to my personal experience in this re- 
spect. 

As I have already stated, during the 
months of July and August I made a can- 
vass of a number of the counties of the staie. 
The object of this canvass, which was con- 
ducted almost wholly under my own auspices, 
was, first, the advocacy of the election of 
Hayes and Wheeler, and, second, and more 
especially, a defense of my own course as 
governor and an appeal to the republican party 
to stand by the cause of reform in the coming- 
state convention. It waS not a general party 
canvass under parly auspices. The meetings 
were called at my request or suggestion and 
for the purpose of hearing me upon the ques- 
tion chiefly of reform in the state. 

MEKTING AT EDGEFIELD. 

Under these circumstances I weot, on the 
12th ot' August, to address a republican meet- 
ing at Edgefield court honse.*This meeting liad 
been called by the chairman of the republi- 
can party of tliat county, at my instance, and 
as rumors had repeatedly reached me that the 
meeting was to be in some way interrupted by 
the democrats, I invited one or two republican 
speakers to accompany me. Hon. Robert 
Smalls, member of congress from that district, 
also accompanied me. We reached the court 
house at 9 o'clock in tlie forenoon. Almost 
immediately upon my arrival I found the town 
rapidly filling with mounted white men, who 
signaliaed tlieir arrival in town by riding 
rapidly through the streets and uttering almost 
continuously ihe siinut or cry which you must 
pardon me for describing by its familiar name, 
as the "'rebel yell" — a sound to whicli my ears 
were well accustomed in Virginia twelve years 
ago. By 11 o'clock this crowd of mounted 
white men numbered, 1 judged, five or six 
hundred at least. Commanii of ihese men was 
appareutlj^ formally assumed at the public 
square by General M. C. Butler and General 
M. "W. Gary, and they proceeded to the grove 
where a stand had been erected by the repub- 
hcan committee for the speakers. I should 
mention that at about 10 o'clock several white 
gentlemen had calk-d at my hotel and asked 
that democratic spf akers should be heard at 
our meeting. I answered that we had several 
republican speakers present who would re- 
quire the whole day if lliey all spoke, but I 
suggested that these gentlemen should see 
the republican county chairman, and stated 
thiit 1 would personally consent to any arrange- 
ment they might make with him. T'je chair- 
man being engaged in preparations for the 
meeting did not meet these gentlemen and uo 
arrangement was made. 

At 11 o'clock I left the hotel and proceeded 

. to the grove. On arriving I found the mounted 

" white men who had assembled in lowu, with 

a large nniuber of other white men, occupj-- 

iug one entire half of the space around the 

stand, and one end of the stand already 

broken down l)y the white men who had 

1 crowded upon it. I stepped upon the stand 



in company with Judge Mackey and Senator 
Cain, the republican county chairman. Simul- 
taneously General Butler and General Gary 
mounted the stand with a number of their 
followers. The white men vociferously cheered 
General Butler and General Gary as they ap- 
peared upon the stand, and the speaking was 
actually opened by General Butler, who re- 
turned his tlianks to his followers for their 
presence and their tribute to him. He was 
followed, in response to deafening calls from 
his party, by General Gary, wlio announced 
in emphatic and plain terms that they — he and 
liis party — had come there to be heard, and 
that they should be heard; that the radical 
leaders had failed to make any arrangement 
for a division of the time in speaking, but that 
he and his friends should be heai'd, with or 
without our consent, and he added, with great 
signiticance of toue and manner, that "if any 
trouble took place in consequence the respon- 
sibility aud consequences would be upon the 
radical leaders." During aU this time no re- 
publican had been allowed to speak. A 
glance at the crowd of white men who by this 
time covered the stand and swarmed around 
nearly three sides of it, besides climbing into 
the trees above our heads, all. so far as I could 
observe, heavily armed with pistols, displayed 
in many instances ou the front of their per- 
sons, aud even iield in their hands, convinced 
me that any attempt to refuse the demaud 
made, or even to abandon the meeting, would 
result in collision and bloodshed between tlie 
parties. I therefore advised Senator Cain 
that we had no alternative but to yield to the 
demand, and after a moment's consultation I 
announced that we would divide (he time, 
giving a half hour each to three speakers 
from each party. Senator Cain then proposed 
to call tlie meeting to order and to aunounce 
the speaker.?, but General Gary declared that 
they wanted no chairman, and accordingly 1 
stepped forward, under these circumstances, 
to address the meeting. From the beginning 
to the end of my half hour I was interrupted 
by the crowd of white meu with jeers and 
insults of every kind. Twice during my re- 
marks the confusion and interruption was so 
complete that after vainly appealing to the 
crowd to allow me to be heard, General But- 
ler had tlie decency to come forward and so 
far restore order as to barely permit me to 
resume my remarks. Of the whole'lTalf hour 
allotted to me I certainlj' was not per- 
mitted to occupy oyer twentj'- minutes with 
any remarks such as I should naturally have 
made on such an occasion. In iruth I spoke 
under great constraint and a consciousness 
that any word miglit precipitate a bloody col- 
lision, which I I'.ad no means of preventingor 
controlling. I was denounced by voices from 
the crowd as a companion thief with Mc- 
Devitt; was told I would never come to Edge- 
field again; was charged with getting up the 
Hamburg riot to kill the while people, excite 
the north and get United States troops tocarry 
the election, and with a variety of other 
crimes of which these are but specimens. 

I was followed by (General Butler, who oc- 
cupied his time without iuterruption. His 
speech was exceedingly violent and bitterly 
personal towards me, on account principally 
of my report of the Hamburg massacre. Judge 
Mackey followed General Butler and he in 
turn was Ibllowed by General Gary. Nearly the 



whole of General Gary's speech was directed 
agaiust me. In bitterness and violence of 
personal abuse, I have certainly never heard 
or known its parallel. Nothing short of a 
verbatim report could give an idea of its charac- 
ter. His attacks were not confined to m}' of- 
ficial character, but extended to my personal 
life and affairs, with frequent threats against 
me personally in various contingencies. 

Judge Mackey next occupied about fifteen 
or twenty minutes in replying to some of Gen- 
eral Garjf's personal charges against me, and 
he was followed by General Butler. 

What I have now described occupied the 
time from a little after eleven rmtil half-past 
3 — a fact which will give an idea of the time 
consumed by the interruptions of which I 
have spoken. At half-past 3 I left the grove 
in order to reach the Columbia train, at Pine 
House, the same evening, amidst a torrent of 
jeers and yells which continued to reach my 
ears without cessation until I had passed be- 
yond the limits of the town. The meeting, 
though called and arranged for in every par- 
ticular by the republicans, was at no time and 
in no sense under our control; only two of the 
six republican speakers from abroad who were 
present were permitted to speak at all, and 
under the pressure of the white men who 
crowded upon it the entire platform was 
brought to the ground before I left the .scene. 
At this meeting the republicans were told in 
the most emphatic terms that the democrats 
had made up their minds to carry Edgefield 
county and that they would carry it; thai their 
leaders would be held to account personally; 
that the white people must and should rule 
the county. The whole meeting may be justly 
described as a torrent of abuse of me person- 
ally, and an exhibition of force and threats 
designed to intimidate the colored voters and 
their leaders. After we had reached the. train, 
at the several railroad stations in Edg-efield 
county, a number of the armed and mounted 
men who had attended the meeting at tlie 
court house entered the car in which we sat, 
and, with rude and threatening manners, ad- 
dressed their jeers and insults to General 
Smalls and myself, especiallj', warning us not 
tocome to Edgefield again. 

I will add that the foregoing account of the 
meeting at l*]dgefield has been made from 
written memoranda made by fne while on my 
way to Columbia and after my arrival at home 
the same evening. Nothing has been over- 
stated, though much that was disgraceful has 
necessarily been omitted in this description. 

MEETING AT NEWBERUT. 

On the 18th of August I visited Newberry 
court house, to address a republican mass 
meeting, called for the same purposes and un- 
der the same circumstances as the meeting at 
Edgefield courthouse, which I have de.scribed. 
I was accompanied by two republican speak- 
ers, Hon. S. L. Hoge, member of congress for 
that district, and Mon. J. K. Jillson, superin- 
tendent of education. On our arrival at the 
depot at Newberry, we were met by the re- 
publican county committee who informed us 
that the democrats were assembled in large 
force, mounted and armed m the lidgefield 
fashion, and liad called fora ''division of time" 
at our meeting. I conlerred with the republi- 
can committee who were firmly convinced that 
if we refused the demand our meeting would 



be attended and probably interrupted by the 
democrats, with imminent danger of blood- 
shed if any misadventure should occur. As 
the republicans were wholly tmorganized for 
any purpose of resistance to pliysicMl airgres- 
sion, we deemed it our duly either to abandon 
our meeting or cousL'ut to a division of time. 
We chose the lal'er alternative and proceeded 
to the jV.ace of meeting. At the stand we 
found the republicans occupj-ing mainly the 
space iu front and at one side nearest the 
platform, while the mounted white men de- 
ployed themselves iu a continuous line, com- 
pletely enveloping the republicans and the 
platform on all sides. The usual accompani- 
ment of -yells was not omitted. I addressed 
the meeting for an hour, and was followed by 
Colonel J. N. Lipscomb. His speech was bit- 
terly person.il iu its character toward me and 
my friends who were present, and offensive in 
matter and manner. He constantly alluded 
aud pointed to me and my friends as we sat 
upon the platform as "yon fellows," or ''them 
fel'ows;" declared in violent tones that we 
white leaders were to be individiutlly held re- 
spoL!S]ble hereafter, and, by way of illustra- 
tion of his meaning, referred to the lynching 
of six colored men in Mny Inst, charged witii 
tlie murder of the Harmons in Pldgcficld count}', 
and declared tliat, "'if he liad been present, he 
would have taken Dr. Barker, the white coro- 
ner, and Mr. Richardson, the white sheriff, 
tied them between the niggers and given 
them the same fate." Judge Hoge spoke next, 
and was followed by Cohinel D. Wyatt Aiken, 
the democratic candidate for congress in that 
district. I did not hear Colonel Aiken's speech, 
but all the reports of it which I received 
agreed in stating that it was of a similar tone 
to that of Colonel Lipscomb, though exceed- 
ing it in violence of personal denunciation and 
threats. I left the ground at 3 o'clock, iu or- 
der to take the Columbia train, and T ma}' 
mention, as my last experience at this meet- 
ing, that as I left the stand and readied the 
outer margin of the crowd I met a cordon of 
mounted white men, so closely "dressed," in 
military phrase, in ranks of two or three deep, 
that I was forced to request to be allowed to 
pass through and to wait initil the ranks could 
be broken for my exit. Every mounted white 
man whom I observed was armed with one or 
two pistols. 

JIEETlNa AT ABBSVILLE. 

At the date of the Newberry meeting I was 
under engagement to address a similar repub- 
lican meeting at Abbeville court house on the 
22d of August. On the return of Judge 
Hoge and Mr. Jillson from Newberry on the 
19th of August, they strongly advised the 
abandonment of the meeting at Abbeville in 
view of their experience at Newberry, and 
especially on account of a violent and threat- 
ening harangue made at the depot at Newberry 
on the morning of the 19th, to a band of his 
partisans, by Colonel D. Wyatt Aiken. I re- 
plied that 1 should keep my engagement at 
Abbeville from a sense of imperative duty to 
mj republican friends there. U willing to 
allow me to so alone, these gentlemen gallant- 
ly consented to accompany me on the 21st to 
.A.bbeville court hon&e. On arriving at Abbe- 
ville, I found our republican friends, as at 
Newberry, firmly convinced that if we held 
our meeting prudence would compel us to 



allow the democrats to occupy lialf the time, 
and even then they were greatlv apprehensive 
of trouble. An arransrement was accordingly 
entered into by which three s})eakers from 
each party were to take part in tlie meeting. 
At tlie hour appointed we proceeded to the 
place of meeting where we found the republi- 
cans assembled, after the manner of ordinary 
political meetings. As soon, however, as the 
republicans were assembled, companies of 
mounted wliite men, marching in martial order, 
and under the command of officers or person's 
who gave orders which were obeyed, began-to • 
pour over the hill in -front of the stand and to 
take their places at the meeting. At this time 
I sat beside General McGowan, and we agreed 
in our estimate that there were from eight 
hundred to one thousand mounted white men ■ 
present. They came, as I know from Edge- 
field county, and as I was informed, frum 
Newberry, Anderson and Laurens counties, as 
well as from Abbeville county. When fully 
assembled they covered more than one-half 
the space around the stand, besides entirely 
encircling the whole meeting with mounted 
men. I spoke first. In the course of my 
speech, in response to loud and repeated cries 
from the white men, "how about ilanibnrg"? 
"Tell us about Hamburg," I replied, "ves, T 
will tell you about Hamburg," whereupon I 
saw a sudden crowding towards the stand by 
the mounted white men on ray right, and 
heard distinctly the click of a considerable 
number of pistols. I was followed by Colonel 
D. Wyatt Aiken in a speech tilled to overflow- 
ing with the spirit of intolerance and violence. 
With his thousand mounted and armed par- 
tisans cheering him on, he shouted t« the tivo 
or six hundred colored republicans "if you 
want war you can have it — yes, xVar to the 
knife, and the knife to the hilt." With a 
thousand armed while men drinking in his 
words, he singled out one colored man in the 
ciowd for special personal denunciation. 
Turning to me he charged me personally with 
complicity in sending arms clandestinely to 
Newberry to "arm lb- blacks against the 
whites, with absolute falsehoods in relation to 
the Hamburg massacre aud the calling for 
TTniied States troops, and declared over and 
over that the white leaders must be held per- 
sonally responsible for all future misgovern- 
ment by the republican party. Later in the 
day Mr. Jillson while speaking was so greatly 
interrupted by the wliite men that he was un- 
able to make a connected speech or to pursue 
his intended line of argument. After the 
meeting was closed, and while the colored re- 
publicans were carrying a Uniied States flag 
past the public square in the village, an eftbrt 
was made by a parly of mounted white men 
to snatch it from them, fifteen or twenty [lis- 
tols were discharged in the air. and a general 
riot was thereby made imminent. 

MEETIXG AT MIDWAY. 

I attended a similar meeting at Midway, in 
Barnwell county, on the 24th of August, called 
by republicans, but attended by a large body 
of while democrats, who marched into 
the villatre on horseback, but who, on this 
occasion, dismounted before they reached the 
place of meeting. This meeting was addressed 
by two democratic speakers, both of whom 
alluded to and described me and the other re- 
publican speakers present as "buzzards," 



10 



"plunderers," '•adventurers," and "carrion 
crows." Major G. D. Tillman, the democratic 
candidate for congress in that district, made a 
speech rivalling in some respects the s-'peech 
of General Gary at Edgefield, He charged 
that I shared the plunder with McDevitt; that 
I sought to shield liim from arrest h^' giving 
information to him of the fact that I had issued 
requisitions for his return from Florida and 
Louisiana; that I pardoned Walker because I 
had sliared with him in legislative "steals," 
and finally sssured his friends tli.'it within a 
few mouths I would cither be "a fugitive from 
justice or wearinir ihe strijied suit of a convict 
in the penitentiary." These are but a few 
specimens from his speech. During the 
speech of Judge Hoge, who spoke later in the 
day, in consequence of a retort by the speaker 
to a white man who had repeatedly inter- 
rupted all the republican speakers with in- 
suUinij: remarks and questions, several pistols 
were drawn, violent threats were made against 
Judge Hoge.and a trial justice who was present 
rushed upon the stand to inform me that he 
could no longer restrain the ivliite men, and 
for full twenty minutes the speaking was com- 
pletely interrupted. 

JIEETIXG AT LAkCASTER. 

I went on the 30th of August to Lancaster 
cocrt house to address a republican meeting 
similai in all respects to those I have already 
named. The same scene was repeated, several 
hundreds of mounted and armed white men. 
their leaders having previously demanded and 
been granted a division of the time for speak- 
ing, snrrMunding the entire republican au- 
dience. A'ter two republican and two demo- 
cratic speakers had been heard Hon. A. S. 
Wallace, member of congress from that dis- 
trict, took the platform, but after vainly en- 
deavoring to obtain a hearing he was obliged 
to leave the stand without making a speech. 

Nearly every fact and incident staled in the 
foregoing account of tliese meetings fell within 
Diy own personal knowledge. I have omitted 
many ficts vouched for by perfectly trustwor- 
thy eye-wituesses,sucli as the repeated drawing 
of pistols on me behind my back and the 
threats against my life uttered by persons at 
too great a distance to be heard b^- me. At 
none of these meetings did I witness or know 
of a single disorderly act on the part of anj' 
republican, nor did I hear a word spoken by a 
republican speaker personally disrespectful to 
a democratic speaker. At each of these nieet- 
iugs the coolest and best 'nformed republicans 
fell that tae only alternatives were to abandon 
the meeting or to yield to the demands made 
by the democrats, unless we were willing to 
run the imminent hazards of violence and 
bloodshed. These meelmgs were, moreover, 
as you have observed, held at points widely 
asunder in our state and thus were evidently 
the result of a matured and well understood 
plan. 

I now present these to you as an answer to 
your claim that all the methods of the demo- 
cratic canvass are peaceful, orderly and within 
the law. I pronounce such a course of con- 
duct as I have now described as an outrage 
upon free discussion, a mocking travesty of 
free speech, and a plain, palpable, systematic 
attempt to deter republicans from canvassing 
the state, and to overawe and put in physical 
fear peaceful citizens assembled to discuss 



political questions; and I submit the justness 
of this verdict to the candid judgment of all 
who respect individual rights or public order 
and peace. 

DE.MOCK.iTlC "BREAD AND BUTTER" PRO- 
SCRIPTION. 

I now proceed to present another phase of 
the democratic canvass which bears upon 
your claim that all your methods are legiti- 
mate and within tlie law. I propose to pre- 
sent evidence of an authentic character to es- 
tablish the fact that the democratic party has 
adopted and is carrying out a systematic plan 
of social and political proscription, with the 
set and avowed purpose of forcing men to 
vole contrary to their convictions and wishes. 

^s specimens of what may be called social 
proscription for political ends, I present the ^ 
following language used by Colonel J. S. 
Cothran, of Alibeville, in the democratic con- 
vention in May last, as reported in the 
Charleston News and Courier of May 8, 1876. 
Colonel Cothran said: 

•'Many li.ive joiueil that (the republican) party to 
thfir eternal fiisKnce, and they will never recover 
frdiTi it; no. sir. nor tUeir children nor their children's 
children. [Crieers.J Tine very fact of their deserting 
their friends and tiicir race is the best proof of their 
dishonesty. Fidelity is the best proof of honesty of 
soul, and lie who lias it not to his state and to his peo- 
ple is altogether dishonest." 

In a democratic speech made at Walhalla, 
on the 4th of September, and reported in the 
Greenville Enterprise, of September 16, e.x- 
Governor B. F. Perrj^ used the following lan- 
guage: 

".\nd here I would appeal to my democratic friends 
all over the stale lo stop all sucial intei'course with 
any man who is base enough to be a radical. Let him 
feel by your conduct tosvard him that the brand of 
infamy is on him and his eliildren. This is tlie only 
way you can reach his black heart. Let him see that 
there is a moral pestilence around him which prevents 
all Social contact with honorable men, and leaves him 
for patronaao and society to his own chosen rogues 
and plunderers." 

The Lancaster Ledger, of August 30, gives a 
report of a democratic meeting at Lancaster 
court house, at which the following resolution 
was "unanimously adopted;" 

"Whereas several white citizens of Lancaster vil- 
lage and county have associated themselves with the 
negro radical party, and thereby turned .against their 
owu race and rendered themselves unworthy of social 
recognition by the Anglo-Sa.xon race; be it 

'"Kesolved. That we, the democratic citizens of 
Lancaster village, pledge ourselves not to countenance 
fcem except only in business transactions, and that we 
also request our young men and boys in the village 
and county to carry out this resolve." 

As another phase of the same system of 
political coeicion I present the following from 
the editorial columns of the Charleston News 
and Courier of September: 

•'Preferenc*', X«t Proscription." 

"The mechanics and working men of Charleston are 
true as steel, and will follow the standard of Hamp- 
ton wherever it shall lead tlicm. They have an or- 
ganization of their own, known as the Workingmi-n's 
Democratic association, and are, with the ward club.s 
doing good service in the canvass. At a meeting of 
the association, held on Thursday ni^ht, the following 
resolutions were unanimously adopted: 

Kesolved, That we, the members of the Working- 
men's Democratic association, do hereby endorse the 
resolutions adopted at the last meeting of the si.xth 
ward, and further, that we insist that democrats 
shouhl no longer patronize republicans in trade or re- 
tain them in employment. 

•■Ilesolved, That we make it known to the public 
that we have in the workingmen'a democratic asso- 
ciation good, true, capable, able-bodied and willing- 



11 



hearted men, who are ready to answer to the calls of 
tile executive committee to fill places of labor or 
trust. 

"Ilesolvert, That many of these men have been 
compelled for months to remain unemployed, and are 
ready and anxious to earn honestly the necessaries of 
Hie, and can and will, if the chance is ottered, fill po- 
sitions snch as teamsters, truckmen, warehousemen, 
porters, shipping clerks, cotton sami)lers, railroad 
j-ard men, wharf and vessel men, laborers in factories, 
•fee, &c., and in fact any position requiring muscle and 
brain. 

"Kesolved, That we believe that these men amongst 
us, with a fair education, are better caiiacitated to fill 
these situations than most of the republicans now 
thus occupied. 

' "Similar action has already been taken by ward 
clubs and by the Butler Guards. The claim is just. 
How shall we obtain and retain friends, in a campaign 
where every vote is imp<vrtant, if the democratic pub- 
lie persist in placing their supporters on the same 
footing? The line of preference, not proscription, 
must he dra\VH. Long enough have the people of 
South Carolina fed and clothed their political enaraies 
anil (lone good to those who hate them. 

* * *" * "What We advise is, that the average 
republican voter be made to understaud that his per- 
sonal interests require the success of the denuicratic 
«andidates. You may argue with him for hours and 
make no impression. Evm platforms and constitu- 
th)nal amendments will not satisfy him. For years he 
has seen that the democrats would spend money 
freely to obtain votes, but he has never Seen that 
when he wanted work it made any difference whether 
he voted one way or another. 

'•VVe propose to change all that, and say to the re- 
publican voters: 'We shall, no matter what the incon- 
venience, employ those who are members of demo- 
cratic clubs, and vote for Hampton, in preference to 
those who vole for Chamberlain and Elliott. We will 
give work to those who follow Hampton and go with 
us; and we will not give that work to those who, by 
their vots, seek to defeat, hurt and ruin us. They who 
vot"^ with us are our Iriends, and we will take care of 
them. They who vote for the robber ticket are our 
enemies, and we will have nothing to do with them.' 

"Let the democracy say this and act upon it, and 
every republican will have one good reason for hur- 
rahing for Hampton for every dollar he expects to 
earn during the yi'ar. They will not all come over. 
Wo do not\vish thi'iii to. [>ome should be left, behind 
to mark the contrast between the reputable and well- 
to-do supporters of Haoipton and the <lisreputable 
and out-at-elbows republican. Once convince the 
masses of the voters that the democracy, in town and 
country, are in earnest about this, and the fight is 
surely won. 

"The cry will be raised, of course, that what we ad- 
vise is 'intimidation.' If it be 'intimidation' to dis- 
criminate in favor of your associates and neighbors, 
and against ruthless or senseless adversaries, the radi- 
cal press are welcome to it. ******* * 

" I he more general the practice the greater will be 
the democratic majority. With a fair election we need 
at least ten thousand republican votes and there are 
at least fifty thousand employers of republican labor, 
who can get them and more by preference, not pro- 
scription." 

And tlie following from the editorial 
columns of tlie same paper of September 12: 

'■Deinocfatic Bondsmen of Radical 
<l>!SicelJOIders." 

"Any citizen of Charleston who now becomes a 
bondsman for a radical ofiicial is a worse foe to the 
cause of good government than if he boldly vot-d the 
rase illy radical ticket at every election. In voting 
with the radicals he would do no more than any negro 
who will pass muster as of lull age can do equally 
well, and more frequently; but, in becomirg, in these 
days, a surety upon the official bond of a radical ap- 
pointee, the responsible citizen brings proi)etry and 
positiim to the rescue of such fellows as Berni-y, anil 
gives to the public enemy the means of securing office- 
holders who will faithfully do their dirty work aut' 
hinder the success of the democracy. ***** 
'•The opponents of tlie democratic party are the ad- 
veniuri-rs who live by stealing — whether their steal- 
ing takes the form of discounts and commissions, of 
bribes, or of exorbitant pay of worthless services. 
These adventurers req\iire the aid of evory office- 
holder in the state, and when they find one who will 
noL be as unscrupulous as they are, or who will not 
use his ofiicial influiBce and patronage to cause the 
foul bird of radical victory to perch on their black 
banners, they require his removal and procure the ap- 
pointment of some serviceable Berney who will be to 



them as clay in the hands of the potter. Straw bonds 
find scant favor in Washington. The Berney's and 
their kidney cannot qualify unless property holders 
will be their sureties, and such sureties, with rare ex- 
ceptions, can be found among democrats alone. It is 
a patent truth, therelore, that the democrat who now 
becomes the bondsman of a radical official lends him- 
self to the basest uses of radical wire-pullers of the 
Patterson-Bowen stamp, and throws the whole weighi 
ol his influence and means on the side of public de- 
bauchery and vice. ***** 

"For those who thoughtlessly agreed to become the 
bondsmen of Berney, and have since seen their error 
and withdrawn their names, we have no harsh words; 
but there will be neither grace nor mercy for those 
who, knowing the character of the crisis, become the 
instruments of the brutal kn.aves whose aim is that 
perpetual power whose cornerstone is .\ferican domin- 
ion over the good people of the state." 

And the following from tlie Chester Re- 
porter of a recent date : 

"Oflice-Holrters." 

"There is some excitement in Charleston on account 
of a statement recent'y made in one of the papers of 
that city ihat several demcicrats had become sureties 
on the ofliciid bond of one Berney, who has been 
selected by Hon. John Patterson for the office of 
postmaster of Charleston, in place of Boseinon. the 
present incumbent, who is a republican, but not zeal- 
ous enough in the great work of "five years good 
stealing." This subject of becoming sureties <m the 
bonds of radical official sis one which comes home to 
us here in Chester. Some of our best citizens have 
been and still are bondsmen for carpet basrgers. wliose 
occupation heie is office-holding, and alienating the 
blacks against the whites. We submit the question 
whi-ther. at a time like this, when the people aiv en- 
gaged in an earnest struggle to save their property 
from public robbers, those of our citizens who are 
sureties for these officials are not practically giving 
aid and comfort to the enemy ? Let all democratic 
bondsmen of radical officials ponder the question." 

Another phase of this system is disclosed 
by the following editorial article in the Marion 
Star, of September 21 : 

"Rent Neither I..ands or Houses to 
Any One Who Votes the Ksidical 
Ticket," 

"The above heading forms a part of a reBolution 
which is being ndopte<l'generallv by all the land-own- 
ers throughout the country, and is looked upon by the 
colored people as a hardship, a kind of jiersecution. 
A hardship it may apparently seem to them, as the 
farmer thus assumes tlif independence of asserting 
what class of laborers he will aurl he will not employ. 
It has taken him eight years to arrive at this inde- 
pen(lence,but 'he cimtinued depreciation of his lands; 
the financial stagnation of the country; the high taxi-s 
tirat threaten confiscation, all have conspired to make 
him declare that he will not longer harbor the agent of 
his misfortune. * * * * '-We laud the plan, and 
think every farmer in the c untry should give it his 
hearty support. Let every farmer accept it, and the 
colored voters had as well butt against a brick wall as 
opp<ise it 

"Farmers have 'ried moral suasion until the folly of 
that course has become self-evident, and now they 
come to the exercise of a legal right which can but 
produce the ilesired result. Adopt the plan and stick 
to it, and two years hence they will not need the su))- 
port of such aresolution, for the colored voters will 
have felt the benign inflpcnces of good government, 
and will readily act with th.'ir employers. The man- 
ufacturers upno'th, who have their hundreds of em- 
I)loyees, march up to the polls and vote their whcde 
company as they see fit, and southern employers havo 
the same right and should dare exercise ii." 

The following appeared in the Charleston 
Newsaod Courier as part of the correspond- 
ence of the well known ''Paysan," writing 
from the Fork of Kdislo, under dat: of Sep- 
tember 18: 

"The fcdlowing resolutions, adopted by the Easter- 
lin'g mill democratic club, are commended to the at- 
tention of the ditfi'i-ent clubs throughout the state. 
Similar resolutions have bet-n adojited by the Wil- 
low township, Graham's and Bambertr clubs and no 
donbt by many other clubs in Orangeburg and 
Barn-iVell counties. It is intended that tne names 



12 



of the obnoxious leaders in each township be sent 
to the different clubs throuehoiit the county. 

'•1. Resolved, That we will not vent land to any 
radical leader, or any member of his family, or furnish 
a home, or give employment to any such leader or 
any member of his family. 

'■2. That we will not "furnish any such leader, or 
aiiv member of his family, any sui>plies, such as pro- 
visicms, tarm implements, stock, &c., except so far 
as contracts for the present year are concerned. 

'•3. That we will not purchase any thins any radi- 
cal leader or any member of his family may oflfer for 
sale, or sell any such leader or any member of his 
family anything whatever. 

"4. That the names of such peisons, who may be 
considered leaders, be furnished to this club at the 
earliest date, and that a list of the same be furnished 
each member of the club. 

'"5. That whenever any person or persons who shall 
be denominated radical leaders by a vote of this club 
eh.all cease as such, these res lutions shall become 
null and void so far as such leader or leaders, or any 
member of his or their families, are concerned. 

'■G. That we will protect all persons in the right to 
vote for the candidates of their choice. 

"7. That these resolutions be published, and that 
all the democratic club.s in lh« county and throughottt 
the stale are hereby requested to adopt them." 

The followiiif? resolutions, published in the 
Columbia Register, of September 28, were 
"imanimously adopted" by the democratic 
club of ward 3 in the city of Columbia, and I 
notice that the same meeting- of the club was 
addressed, among others, by yourself: 

"Resolved, Thi.t it is the sense of this club that the 
time has come when we must distinguish our friends 
froui our foes; that we must manfully show our pre- 
ferences in the employment of and in the trading with 
those who sufiport the strand movement of reform and 
honest government to those who are endeav ring to 
foi.si upon us the same corrupt and dishonest admin- 
istration that for eight years has had no object but 
the degradation of the name of South Carolina and 
the ticrsonal nggrandizement of the carpet-baggers 
and a few renegades. 

"Resolved, That rumors being current in the city 
that certain merchants in this ward are going to show 
their pref 'rence tor the present administration on the 
7th ot November next, that the president ot this elub 
do appoint a committee of three or five, the duty of 
this committee being to present the roll to every man 
in the ward for sisnatures, thereby giving to each one 
the opportunity ol vindicating liimseU, and at the 
same time enabling the honest laborers for reform lo 
disciiminatc between friends and foes, and that they 
report at the earliest possible time. 

"Resolved, That this resolution shall apply equally 
forcilile to porters about stMres and offices, carpenters, 
mechanics, barbt rs, butchers, hack drivers, and, in 
fjct, to every one wtio receives wages from the honest 
citizens of this ward." 

lu the Charleston News and Courier, of 
August 7, in an account of the county demo- 
cratic convention of Ail<tin county, it is stated 
that a resolution was adopted by the conven- 
tion "recommendfiig the people of the county 
to employ no one who refused to vote the 
ticket put forward by the slate democratic 
convention." 

The foregoino: examples, selected from a 
vast mass of similar evidences, are presented 
li^re as proof of the fact already alleged — 
thrit the democratic party lias adopted and is 
carrying out a sj'stemaiic plan of social and 
pohtical proscription with the set and avowed 
purpose of forcing men to vole contrary to 
their conviciioas and wishes. 

It is within the knowledge of every 
man who is acquainted with the present 
condition of the state that the wnlten 
and formal statements of the plans of 
political coercion convey a very faint 
idea of the actual practice ol your party. 
Prudence and good policy in a majority of 
instances dictate tlie concealnent of such plans, 
and the instances now cited of open avowals of 
the purpose of political coercion are for that 



reason the more startling proofs of the spirit 
in which the system has its origin. The ad- 
vertising columns of the Charleston News 
and Courier, and the local columns of other 
democratic newspapers in this state, furnish 
constant examples that the published evi- 
dences which 1 have jited fall far short of 
representing the extent of the system which 
they disclose. 

I now call your attention to the following 
sections of the revised statutes of this state: 

"If at any election, as in the eighteenth 
section of this cJiapter is mentioned, any per- 
son shall offer or propose to procure another, 
by the payment, delivery or promise of money, 
or other articles of value, to vote for or 
against any particular candidate or measure, 
or shall offer, for the consideration of money 
or other articles of value paid, delivered or 
promised, to vote for or against any particular 
candidate or measure, sucii person so ofiering 
to procure or vote shall be deemed guilty of^ 
misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof, 
shall be fined and-imprisoned at the discretion 
ot the court." — Chapter CXXXI, Section 20, 
page 727. 

"if any person shall, at any of the elec- 
tions in any city, town, ward, or polling pre- 
cinct, threaten, maltreat or abuse any voter, 
with a view to control or intimidate him in 
the free exercise of his right of suffrage, such 
offender shall suffer line aud imprisonment at 
tlie discretion of the court." — Chapter CXXXI, 
Section 24, pasre 728. 

"Whoever sliall assault or intimidate any 
citizen because of political opinions or the 
exercise of political rights and privileges 
guaranteed to every citize;i, of the United 
States by the constitution and laws thereof, or 
by the constitution and laws of this state, or 
for such reason discJiarge such citizen from 
employment or occupation, or eject such citi- 
zen from rented house or land or other pro- 
perty, such person shall be deemed guilty of 
a misdemeanor." * * * — Chapter CXXXI, 
Section 2G, page 728. 

I ran now preparfd to pronounce the sys- 
tem which I have set forth, and which consti- 
tutes a prominent part of the democratic can- 
vass, a plain infringement of moral and social 
right, and a clear violation, in its most promi- 
nent features, of the laws of the state. 
DEMOCRATIC RIFLE CLUBS. 

I next call your attention to another state 
ot facts bearing upon your claim that the 
present, deniDcratic canvass is conducted by 
agencies which are peaceful and within the 
law. I refer now to the armed organizations 
which go under tlie names of ''rifle clubs," 
"sabre clubs" and ■'anillery clubs.' Of the 
exact exient of these organizations your in- 
formation is doubtless much more ample than 
mine; but I think I am warranted in saying 
that such organizations exist in every county 
in tiie slate, and tiiat in many, if not most, of 
the couniies they embrace a larj;e majority of 
the white men between the ordinary limits of 
age for military duty, as well as a large num- 
ber both below and above such limits That 
these organizations are armed, officered, drilled 
to a considerable extent at least in the manual 
and military movements approfiri: te to the 
character of their arms and organizations, and 
obey the orders of their officers, is clear in 
many cases, and is probably true in all cases. 
That they have appeared in public ou a num- 



13 



ber of occasions in various parts of the state, 
and recently here iu Columbia, with tiieir 
arms and under command of their officers, ia 
well known. That they serve as the basis of 
political organization, and under tlie command 
and control of their officers engage in political 
duties aud work, ia equally clear. In tact, a 
leading feature of tlie present democratic 
state canvass is the constant attendance upon 
the democratic meetings of these clubs, acting 
in their organized character and capacity. In 
no instance of such clubs organized since 
December I, 1874, has autliority for their 
formation or existence been given by the gov- 
ernor, nor are any such organizations reported 
10 him othcially or m any manner authorized 
or recognized by him as forming any part of 
the mihiary force of the state. The existence 
of a few military clubs organized for profess- 
edly social purpose?, many months since, was 
made known to the governor; but aside from 
these cases the whole system of military or- 
ganization now referred to has no official sanc- 
tion or recognition from the governor of the 
state. So long as these organizations retained 
their character as social clubs little impor- 
tance was naturally attached to the question 
of their legality. Recent and present events, 
however, and the use now made of these or- 
ganizations as a prominent agency in the 
democratic canvass, give public importance to 
their character. 

I now call your attention to the following 
extract from the revised statutes of the state: 

"That the organized mditia ot this state 
shall be known aa the national guard of the 
state of South Carolina, and shall consist of 
such divisions, brigades, regiments and bat- 
talions, and in addition thereto, such batteries 
of light artillery, and troops and squadrons of 
cavalry as the commander-in-chief may deem 
expedient, and nothing herein contained shall 
be so construed as to interfere with the power 
of the commander-in-chief, in case of war or 
insurrection, or of imminent danger thereof, 
to order drafts of the militia, and to form new 
regiments, battalions, brigades or divisions, as 
he may deem just and proper : Provided, That 
there shall be no military organizations, or 
formations for the purpose of arming, drilling, 
exercising the manual of arms, or military 
manoeuvers, not authorized under this chapter 
and by the commander-in-chiet. and any ne- 
glect or violation of the provisions of this 
section shall upon conviction be punished 
with imprisonment ac hard labor in the state 
penitentiary for a term not less than one year, 
nor more than three years, at the discretion 
of a competent court." — Title IV, chapter 
XV, section 14, page 102. 

Tlie organizations to which I call your at- 
tention are now seen to be organizations not 
only not authorized by the law but forbidden 
by the law. But their organization is not 
more illegal than their objects. Those objects 
are disclosed by their conduct and are no 
more doubtful than the fact of their existence. 
The incidents of the present canvass which I 
have already stated, and others which I shall 
herealter state, show the use that is made of 
these organizations. As a fair statement of 
the objects of these organizations as well as 
the testimony of an experienced and well 
known observer in the south, I present an ex- 
tract from a letter of H. V. Redfield, published 
ia the Cincionati Commercial, and reproduced 



in the Charleston News and Courier of Sep- 
tember 19. 

"True In»vard!icss." 

Theoutsiiler is apt to bo piizzleil by accounts of af- 
fairs here. He may ni»t understaiid the roniiation of 
'■riUe clubs," "rille teams," •'artiUery companies," 
amoDK the whites. What are tliey afraid of? l hey are 
not afraid of anything. Why, then, this arming? Tliey 
intend lo carry this election, if it is i)ossible to do 
so. The profrramme to have -'rifle clubs'" all over the 
State, aud, while avoiding aelual bloodshed as much 
as possible, to so impress the blacks that they, or a 
number of them, will feel impelled to vole with the 
whites out of actual fear. The blacks are timid by 
nature, timid by habit, timid by education. A dis- 
play of force unnerves them. The whites understand 
this, and an immense maiching about at night, and 
appearance at any republican meeting to "'divide 
time" is with a view to impress the blaoks with the 
sense of danger of longer holding out against white 
rule. Add to the number they can scare, the number 
they can buy, and they hope to have enough, united 
with the solid whitH vote, to gain the day, eU^ct 
Ilampion and secure the legislature. 

Thus the objects and the conduct of these 
'clubs" are shown to be as illegal as their or- 
ganization. In organization, in objects, iu 
conduct, they are neither peaceful nor orderly, 
nor within the law. iind yet they are per- 
haps the most prominent method and agency 
employed by your party iu this canvass. 

INSTANCES OF ACTUAL VIOLENCE. 

I proceed now to direct your attention to 
sotre other occurrences in our state which 
have a relation to the present canvass, and 
especially to your claim that all your methods 
are peaceful, orderly and within the law. 

THE HAMBURG MASSACRE. 

The massacre at Hamburg occurred July 8, a 
month prior to the opening of the democratic 
canvass. I will state some of the undisputed 
facts of this massacre. Those who com- 
mitted the massacre were white democrats; 
those who were massacred were colored re- 
publicans. Passing over all that occurred be- 
fore the time when all resistance or show of 
resistance to the white democrats had ceased, 
it is a fact, as well authenticated and undenia- 
ble as the assassination of President Lincoln, 
that five unarmed republicans, while held as 
captives by a large body of armed white 
democrats, were deliberately and wantonly 
shot to death by their white democratic cap- 
tors. If the facts of the riot were admitted 
to show that both parties were equally respon- 
sible for its origin and equallv engaged in its 
progress from beginning to end, the unim- 
peachable fact would remain that five colored 
republicans, after the riot was ended, were 
butchered by a band of white democrats. In- 
tention and motive, when not expressed iu 
language, must be judged of by acts and cir- 
cumstances. Applying this test to the Ham- 
burg massacre, the conclusion seems to be 
that color and political party had much to do 
iu prompting the massacre. It is significant, 
too, that the massacre occurred in a section of 
our state in which the present "straight-out" 
democratic canvass took its rise, and where 
were found its most efficient promoters in all 
its earlier stages. It is in vain to seek to evade 
the just and awfid responsibility for these 
murtiers by asserting that the colored repub- 
licans at Hamburg had maltreated, insulted 
and exasperated the white democrats beyond 
the point of endurance. 

If this be conceded, the fact remains that 
the five colored republicans who were butch- 
ered, together with their companiona, were 



14 



completely overcome and in the complete cus- 
tody of the wliite democrats who butchered 
thein. One of j-oiir democratic orators lias 
soufrht to cover this vast crime with the plea 
of Mr. Burtce for the American colonists — "I 
pardon something to the spirit of liberty." 
But the American colonists needed do advo- 
cate to acquit them of wholesale murders, nor 
did Mr. iJurke sully his hps with the atro- 
cious plea that wanton butchery of unresisting 
prisoners could be condoned when com- 
mitted in the name of liberty. 

THE CHARLESTON RIOT. 

On the night of September 6ili a riot occur- 
red in the city of Charleston. The most trust- 
wortliy information seems to ti.\ the chief re- 
sponsibility for causing this riot upon the 
republicans. Certainly such is my present be- 
lief. The not continued for some hours, and 
greatly endansered the lives and property of 
ilie citizens of Charleston. It was inexcusa- 
ble and disgraceful. But it was subdued by 
the republican authorities; it was attended by 
no slaughter; ic was followed by no butchery. 
It is now, as I am crediblj' informed, an open 
secret that the one man who died from 
wounds received in this riot declared by his 
dying declaration that he received his wound 
from a misdirected shot from the pistol ofa 
democratic friend, and that the single police- 
man who was seriously wouuded, suffered 
from the same cause. The riot was the result 
of high political excitement, and was an exhi- 
bition of the dastardly spirit of political intol- 
erance. It lias fastened a bloody blot on the 
party that caused it. 

THE ELLENTON RIOT. 

And now contrasting the methods and cir- 
cumstances and results of this riot with the 
Hamburg riot, I ask your attention to a more 
recent occurrence which is called the Ellenton 
riot. Though this riot occurred chiefly on the 
16th of September and the three or four days 
following, it has been impossible up to the 
present time to obtain a full and connected 
report of its origin and course. Certain gene- 
ral facts and some specific details are, how- 
ever, known. Its origin was an assault upon 
a white woman in the course of an attempted 
robbery of her house by two negroes. One 
of tlie alleged robbers was arrested, and, 
while in the custody of his captors, was 
shot. Out of these occurrences grew the riot. 
Of the conduct of the colored people engaged 
in or connected with the riot, I will not speak 
with confidence, lest my present information 
should be found to give a too favorable account. 
It is certain that a force of armed white men 
was speedily assembled from the surrounding 
country from a distance of thirty miles and 
more. 

On the 18th aud 19th this force amounted 
to not less than six or eight hundred men, all 
armed, under officers, company and general, 
but assembled by no lawful authoritj', and 
acting under no lawful orders. On the morn- 
ing of the 19th the arrival upon the scene of 
a company of United States troops caused the 
dispersing of these rioters. The results of 
this riot are stated by General Johnson Ha- 
good, one of the nominees on your state ticket, 
to be two white men and about thirty colored 
men killed. My other information reduces 
the white men killed to one, and increases the 
number of colored men killed to forty or fifty. 
That nearly all the colored men killed were not 



killed while resisting the execution of 
the law or any legal process, or 
while violating the peace or tiireat- 
ing or attempting any violence, is a fact estab- 
lished by clear proof. They were shot down 
wherever found; in tields and woods, on high- 
ways and in cabins, along the railroad track 
and at the railroad stations. 

I give you an account of the murder of 
Simon P. Coker, a member of the present 
legislature and a delegate to the recent repub- 
lican couveniion in Columbia, as related to 
me by an intelligent and trustworthj' eye- 
witness of the scene, a person well known to 
me personally. While silting in the car of the 
railroad train at Ellenton, on the 19th ultimo, 
my informant saw Coker walking unarmed in 
company with several armed white men. 
Coker's manner indicated that he did not con- 
sider himself a prisoner or in danger, as he 
was talking freely with the white men who 
accompanied him. Coker and those who ac- 
companied him proceeded to a piazza in front 
ofa store at KUenton station and sat down for 
a few mon.ents, but soon proceeded to a large 
tree standing about thirty rods from the spot 
where my informant stood, Coker still appear- 
ing unconcerned. While standing under this 
tree the white men suddenly stepped away 
from Coker about six paces, and, turning, fired 
a volley into his body. He instantly fell, 
whereupon several of the parly advanced to- 
wards his body and fired upon it a second 
time. My informant also mentions as a fact 
that he saw N. A. Patterson, a democratic 
trial justice of Barnwell county, walking in 
company with Coker at Ellenton station at the 
time first above stated. Coker, it now ap- 
pears, had been enticed from his home to El- 
lenton upon some false pretense ofa summons 
to answer a criminal cliarge. 

The killing of colored people in connection 
with the Ellenton riot extended far and wide, 
and was kept up for several days. In truth, 
my information leads me to believe that it 
cannot be said to have ceased now. Persons 
living in the vicinities named vouch to me 
personally for the truth of these, among many 
other, instances of murders of colored men in 
Barnwell county, growing out of the Ellenton 
riot. 

On the 24lh of September several colored men 
were picking cotton near Elko, among whom 
were two refugees from the vicinity of Ellenton. 
Eight or ten white men rode into the field and 
fired upon these refugees, killing one and 
wounding the other. The dead body was 
carried and thrown into a swamp, where it was 
found on the 25th by Trial Justice Black, of 
Blackville, and Captain Kenzie, of the United 
States garrison at Blackville. 

On the niglit of the 24th, a party of white 
men visited the house of a colored man about 
seven miles from Blackville, and took out a 
colored man who was a refugee from near 
Ellenton. This refugee has not been seen or 
heard of since. 

On Sunday, September 24th, two colored 
men escaping from the vicinity of Ellenton 
passed a church near Allendale while the 
white people were at church. They were pur- 
sued by white men from the church, and over- 
taken at the cabin of a colored man at early 
eveniug. One was shot and died of his 
wounds at 9 o'clock that night, and the other, 
thoug^h wounded, escaped. 



15 



These are but a few of the outrages which 
I fnll.y believe Imve been committed by while 
democrats, members of democratic rifle clubs, 
upon colored republicans in Barnwell county 
alaiie. More than forty colored and white 
refugees are reported to me as under the pro- 
tection of the United States troops in tlieir 
camp at Blackville at tliis time. 

I present these facts to you as a portion of 
tlie evidence now iu my hands and within my 
knowledge, whicli refutes your claim that tlie 
methods and atrencies now emploj'ed by tlie 
democratic parry are peaceful, orderly and 
wulun the law. 

The present armed organizations wliich 
constitute tlie effective force of the democratic 
part3', as well as its chief agencj' in its can- 
vass, are manifestly a menace to the peace of 
the state and the rights of the members of the 
republican part.y, because those organizations 
are unlawful in their origin, unlawful in their 
aims, and aggressive and law-breaking m their 
conduct. 

DEMOCRATIC "PROTECTION." 

I come now to your demand that if I be- 
lieve that lawlessness and terrorism prevail in 
the state I should call upon you and your 
party to suppress it, before I appeal to the gov- 
ernment of the United States. 1 am familiar 
with this demand. I have heard it here and 
liave heard it abroad. It is made the occasion 
of constant reproach that I am governor of 
tlie state and yet cannot and do not preserve 
the public peace. General Hampton and his 
followers are seeking to profit politically by ut- 
tering this reproach and declaring their easy 
ability to maintain the peace of the state. I 
shall answer your demand with perfect plain- 
ness of speech. The reason I cannot and do 
not mamtain the peace of the state and sup- 
press lawlessness and prevent terrorism, is 
solely because the democratic party are the au- 
thors of the disturbances of the peace, the 
lawlessness and ter.'-orism which they now re- 
proach me with and demand that I shall allow 
or invite them to suppress. Quis custodes cus- 
iodiet '? 

To entrust the protection of those who are 
to-day endangered by the present disturban- 
ces to the armed, mounted, imlawful, demo- 
cratic rifle clubs, would, in my sober judg- 
ment, be as unnatural and unfaithful in me as 
to set kites to watch doves, or wolves to 
guard sheep. 

Actual lawlessness is, in my judgment, and 
upon the evidence before me, prevalent to-day 
in several coimties and sections of the state, 
and I believe, upon the best attainable evi- 
dence, that it has already resulted in tlie kill- 
ing of from forty to fifty defenseless and un- 
resisting republican voters. Terrorism, re- 
sidting from lawlessness and violence, extends 
tar more widely; and in support of this state- 
ment, I repeat here the remark made to me 
two days since by a white democrat who had 
crossed the country from the vicinity of Rob- 
bins' station, through Barnwell county to 
Blackville, that "he did not see a 'nigger' 
man anywhere." But when, in view of liiis 
lawlessness and terrorism, you and your asso- 
ciates mock me with the demand to put it 
down by calling on the white armed demo- 
crats who are the authors of it, I answer that 
you are welcome to the political advantage 
such a demand may give you, but I shall 



yield to no sncli demand so long as I hold the 
office of p;overnor. 

You know, as I know, that the republican 
voters of this state are not organized for suc- 
cessful resistance to the agirressions of the 
democratic rifle clubs. You know, as I know, 
that to call upon the colored republicans alone 
to suppress this lawlessness and terrorism 
would be to invite or preciiiilate a conflict the 
result of which would be to increase, rather 
than suppress, the lawlessness and terrorism 
which now exist In such an emergency my 
only reliance for effective physical force must 
be upon United States troo^is. I have strug- 
gled long and liard to avoid a resort to this 
agency. I have hoped against hope that a 
sober second thought would come to those 
who govern the democratic party strong 
enough and just enough to relieve me from 
the necessii}' of action which must iuttict 
great temporary injury upon the material in- 
terests of the stale. But I am invested with 
laree and extraordinary powers by the laws 
of the state to meet extraordinary emergencies. 
The executive of the United States will do 
his duty, and I shall do mine; and it shall be 
seen by the world whether the right to a 
peaceful and free Ijallot by the citizens of this 
state, conferred and made inviolable by the 
constitution and law's of .?tate and nation alike 
can be trampled under foot by any combina- 
tion or party of men in this state. The people 
of this state know that I am not a rash or 
unjust man, that I am tender of every private 
and ptiblic interest and right; but they know 
also that I am accustomed to doing my duty, 
without haste but without fear. 

I liave doubtless wearied you, sir — I cer- 
tainly have wearied myself — in setting forth 
the various matters which were essential to 
my reply to your conmiunication. The state- 
ments of facts herein made all rest upon 
actual evidence now before me, the sources of 
which I should have here stated if I had not 
been compelled, in order to secure the evi- 
dence, to give a solemn promise, in many in- 
stances, not to make known the sources. 

In conclusion, I have only to renew my 
acknowledgments for the respectful form of 
your communication, and to express the hope 
that I have followed your example in that re- 
gard, and that the peace and prosperity of 
South Carolina may be speedily restored and 
perpetuall}' maintained. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully 
your obedient servant, 

Daniel H. Chamberlain, 
Governor of South Carolina. 



Platform of the Rcpnblican Party of Sonth 

Carolina, Adopted by the Kepnblican State 

Convention at Columbia, September 14, 

18t6. 

1. The republican party of the state of 
South Carolina, in convention assembled, be- 
lieving that the principles of equal civil and 
political rights are vital to the interests of 
good government, and that they can only be 
enforced by the party which has engrafted 
them upon the state and national constitu- 
tions, hereby reaffirms its confidence in the 
national republican party by pledging firm 
adherence to the platform adopted by the 



]G 



Cincinnati convention in this the one hun- 
dredth year of American independence. 

2 We hereby pledge our undiveded sup- 
port to tlie standard beaieis of that parly, 
Eutlierford B. Hayes and Wilham A, Wheeler, 
whose unblemished and statesmanlike record 
in the past is sufficient assurance that all re- 
forms Tyinp: witiiin the province oC their 
respective offices will be earnestly prosecuted 
and tlie national government wisely and eco- 
nomically administered, with due rec:ard to 
the rights and interests of the whole Amer- 
ican people. 

3. We heartily endorse the administration 
of President Grant, so honestly and economi- 
cahy conducted as to exalt the nation in the 
estimation of the world and advance its faith 
and credit. We reco^-nizo in the soldier, 
statesman aud president a firm, devoted lover 
of American libertj', a stern, unflinching 
champion and protector of the rights of Amer- 
ican citizens at home and abroad, and we will 
ever hold in grateful remembrance his deeds 
in war, in peace, in all that makes our country 
great--thougli the youngest of the nations 
yet the equal of all. 

4. That in presenting to the people of 
South Carolina our nominees for the high 
ofiQces of the state for the coming two years, 
we believe we should make plam and unmis- 
takable the aims and principles to which we 
stand pledged m the event of their election; 
not in glittering generalities of reform, but in 
specific and substantial articles. 

5. We declare our abhorrence and repudia- 
tion of all forms of violence, intimidation or 
fraud in the conduce of elections, or for politi- 
cal purposes, and denounce the same as crime 
against the liberty of American citizens as 
well as the common rights of numauity; and, 
while wc insist upou and will jealously guard 
the riglit of every citizen freely to choose his 
political party, and deny the unfounded charge 
that tile republican party countenances any in- 
terference witli colored voters who may choose 
to vote the democratic ticket, we protest 
against and denounce the practice now inaug- 
urated by the democratic party in this state of 
attending republican meetings and by show of 
force and other forms of intimidation disturb- 
ing such meetings or taking part therein with- 
out the consent or invitation of tlie party call- 
ing them. 

G. We pledge ourselves to thorough reform 
in all departments of the stale government, 
where abuses shall be found to exist, and, as 
an earnest of the same, declare onr purpose 
of submitting to the qualified voters of the 
state the following specific reforms as amend- 
ments to the stnte constitution. 

I. That the present adjustment of the 
bonded debt of the state shall be inviolable. 

II. That the general assembly shall meet 
only once ia every two years, and that the 
length of no session thereof shall exceed 
seventy days. 

III. That the number of sessions of courts 
of general sessions and common pleas shall 
be reduced to two annually in each county, 
with power reserved to the judges to call 
special sessions when necessary. 

IV. That the veto power of the governor 
shall be so modified as to allow of the disap- 
proval of a part without effect upon the rest 
of an act. 

V. That agricnltnral interests shall be re- 



lieved from burdensome taxation by a more 
equitable distribution of ta.xes and by the in- 
auguration of a system of licenses fixed upon 
fair principles. 

VI That no public funds shall ever be 
used for the support of sectarian institutions. 

VII. That llie enormous evil of local and 
special legislation shall be prohibited when- 
ever private interests can be protected under 
general laws. 

VIII. And inasmuch as the system ot free 
schools was created in the state by the repub- 
lican party, aud should be especially fostered 
and protected by it, we pledge ourselves to 
the support ot the amendments to the state 
constitution, now before the people, establish- 
ing a permanent tax for the support of free 
schools, and preventing the removal of school 
funds from the counties where raised. 

7. We pledge ourselves and the nominees 
of the repuljlican party of this state to the 
securing of the following purposes by legisla- 
tive enactment: 

I. The further and lowest reduction of sala- 
ries of all public servants consistent with the 
necessities of tlie government. 

II. The reduction of fees and costs, espe- 
cially of attorneys in civil cases, and the 
amendment of the laws governing the settle- 
ment of estates in such manner as to secure a 
more economical administration and settle- 
ment of small estates. 

III. The immediate repeal of the agricul- 
tur:d lien law. 

IV. Public printing to be reduced at least 
one-third of the present appropriation. 

V. Convict labor to be utilized under such 
laws as shall secure humaue treatment, and 
the support of convicts without needless ex- 
pense to the state. 

VI. The annual appropriations for public 
institutions to be economically made aud prop- 
erly expended. 

VIL The number of trial justices to be 
reduced throughout the state, and each justice 
to be assigned to specific territory, with mod- 
erate salaries to cover costs of criminal busi 
ness, adjusted in proportion to populations. 

8. Recognizing the enormous expense of 
fencing farms, and tlie scarcity of timber in 
some sections of the stale, we feel it to be 
necessary that practical relief be afforded to 
the people of the stale, and we pledge our- 
selves to secure such legislation upon the 
subject as will give to the electors of each 
county the right to regulate this question for 
themselves. 

9. That wliereas in some of the upper 
counties of the state certain evil disposed 
persons have induced many citizens to disre- 
gard and violate the revenue laws of the 
United States, by representing them to be op- 
pressive, and in violation of the rights of the 
citizen, and it is apparent from the action of 
the national democratic house of representa- 
tives tiiat the revenue tax will be continued, 
we therefore earnestly recommend that his 
excellency, the president of tlie United States, 
do grant a general amnesty and pardon for all 
violations previous to this time. And the 
senators are hereby instructed, and the rep- 
resentatives in congress are reqnested, to 
urge this action without delay. 

10. We charge the democratic party with 
perversion of all truth and history; with op- 
position to all the intorpsts of the masses; 



17 



with fostering class preferences and discrimi- 
nations; with a denial of rights to those who 
do not accept their political dogmas; with con- 
stant and persistent antagonism to the oriaci- 
ples of justice and humanity; with a resistance 
to the manifest will of the people and spii'it of 
tlie age; with a determination to make slavery 
national and liberty sectional; with a purpose 
to rend the union in twain to perpetuate 
liura in bondage; with plunging the nation intoa 
fratricidal war; with deluging the land in blood 
and filling it with sorrow and distress; with 
burdenihg the people with a debt that makes 
a higher taxation necessary and continuous; 
with opposition to the reconstruction of the 
states they had violently forced into a 
confederacy; with resistance to the passage 
and ratification of the amendments to the con- 
stiuition of tlie United Slates made necessary 
by the results of the war, which clothed the 
liumblest in the UiUion with citizenship and 
placed in his hands the power of protecting 
it; with a purpose to reopen sectional preju- 
dices and animosities, to make ''the war a 
failure," recoustructiou "void" and tlie amend- 
ments to tiie constitution nullities; witii decep- 
tion, misrepresentation, extravagance in the 
conduct of government, dishonesty in the dis- 
bursement of the public funds and an abuse 
of the public confidenc?; wi'.h fraud in the 
management of elections; witii intimidations 
of electors; with atrocities during political 
campaigns unheard of iu civilized con:mu- 
nities; with assassinations and murders of 
tliose whose oidy offending was a stead- 
fast adherence to the principles of the 
rpublicau party: with tiireaieniags of 
violence and death against those who advo- 
cate tlie perpetuitj^ of the repulilican party, 
with armod preparation and hostile intent in 
the states of the south, intending by such a 
formidable array to frighten or force repub- 
licans into a support of llieir party and parti- 
sans, or to remain away from the polls; with 
dissembling to the north by assurances of an 
acceptance of the results of the war a desire 
for reconciliation and brotherly relations, when 
they are only thirsting for the opportnuitv to 
secure what thej^ have lost by the ascendency 
of the national democratic party to power and 
thus inflict upon the nation further evils and 
embarrassments; with nominating natioual 
and state officers known for their antagonism 
to all the republican party has accomplished. 
11. Reiterating our reliance in the justice 
of our cause and the truth of the principles 
underlying our national platform, and of tiie 
thirteenth, fourteenih and fifteenth amend- 
ments tf the constitution of the United Stales, 
pointing with gratification to the many im- 
portant reforms established by tlie republican 
party of our state during the last few j^ears, 
we invoke the guidance and blessing of di- 
vine Providence upon our standard bearers and 
upon the whole people of South Carolina. 
And we the members of the republican party, 
in convention assembled, do hereby earnestly 
pledge ourselves to an uncompromising sup- 
port of its nominees, with the firm hope and 
the solemn determination to guard our rights, 
protect onr friends and elect our candidates. 



Governor Chamberlain's Speech of Acfeptaace. 

Upon accepting the nomination of tiie re- 
publican convention as their candidate for 



governor, Mr. Cliarabeiiain spoke as follows: 

Mr. Peesident and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: Victory is always joyful, but 
there aro some occasions which bring with 
tliem a sense of responsibility greater than 
that of joy. Such an occasion is the present 
one to me. And yet I know that I owe my 
profound gratitude to this convention; to my 
friends wlio have cast their votes for me in 
this convention, for the great iionor that has 
been done me. This victory is doubly joyful 
to me, because I know that it has not been 
obtained by any of those processes or influ- 
ences which have been said at times to control 
republican conventions in South Carolina. 
The men who have suppofted me are no band 
of mercenaries, but a gallant, devoted, patri- 
otic companj^ of republicans of South Caro- 
lina, [cheers,] who have believed that I repre- 
sented certain principles, certain aspirations 
aud certain purposes of the groat republican 
party of this state, wiiicli could be carried 
into practice through my agency better than 
that of other men offered for your considera- 
tion as candidates. 

In than spirit I accept j^our nomination. 
[Cheers.] I accept it, first of all, as the nomi- 
nation of a republican convention. I accept 
it as a republican. 1 accept it as one who 
believes iu all the cardinal, substantial princi- 
ples of the republican party, whicii have been 
firoclaimed and carried into practice during 
the history of the last twenty years of this 
nation I am bound to that party by ties tlian 
which none could be stronger; by force of 
early association and of late; by force of early 
precepts and later convictions; by a constant 
and unbroken identification for twenty years 
with the organization of the republican party. 

Ou this occasion I desire to say, not that I 
deem it necessary that I should again assert 
my republicanism, but I de.sire to say that I 
know of no point, of no policy, of no princi- 
ple on wliicli I am not in entire harmony with 
the republican party throughout the nation as 
represented by Governor Hayes and his letter 
of acceptance. That part\% fellow-citizens, I 
regard as the hope and strength not only of 
the nation, but of South Carolina. I profess 
to have at heart the peace aud welfare of all 
the citizens of South Carolina, and I am a re- 
publican to-day, and 1 seek the success of the- 
republican party iu South Carolina, not only 
that the colored race of South Carohna may 
remain free, but that the white race may be 
made free; for nothing has been impressed 
upon me during the last month with greater 
force than the fact that the democratic party 
of South Carolina is to-day holding its control 
over the white masses of South Carohna by 
influences and force that may be rightly de- 
scribed as constituting the grossest political 
slavery. [Cheers.] I want the principles of 
the republican party to triumph in South Caro- 
lina, so that the white man who chooses to 
ally himself with that party may no longer be 
branded with social ostracism or be subjected 
to any burden which is not borne by all his 
fellow-citizens. 

I desire the success of the republican party, 
also, because I believe iu their hands alone 
are the great results of the last twenty years 
of American history secure. I am not ready 
to-day to put those results into the hands of a 
partj'- which never until to-day acknowledged 
and accepted them, and now accepts them not 



IS 



:as honorable, desirable and good results in 
themselves, but simply as accomplished facts 
which cannot be revprsed. We accept them, 
fellow-citizens, as the crowning triumph of 
the principles upon which the American re- 
public is founded. We accept all these results 
not as accomplished facts merely, but as the 
logical results of a faithful carrying out of the 
principles upon which the American govern- 
ment is founded. We stand upon the great 
doctrine which heralded the advent of the 
.merican people among the nations of the 
earth that all men are created equal and en- 
dowed with the inalienable rigHt of liberty. 
We have planted the whole American republic 
at last upon the doctrine proclaimed thus 
early, but under the leadership and influence 
of the democratic party so long denied, that 
equal and exact justice belongs to every man 
on American soil and under the protection of 
the American flag, without regard to race, 
condition or color. It is to keep these results 
then in the friendly hands which have 
wrought them and not to trust them to un- 
friendly hands that opnosed them, that the 
republican party girds itself up for this final 
contest for the perpetuity ol its principles. 
[Cheers.] 

But I accept tliis nomination as significant 
of another thing. I accept it as signiflnant of 
the desire of the republican party of South 
Carolina for the continuance, for a higher de- 
gree, for a more complete carrying out of the 
reforms demanded by the present condition of 
our pubhc affairs. I accept it, fellow-citizens, 
in this sense with peculiar joy, because it has 
been my fortune for two years to have been 
conspicuous in the coutest which has gone on 
here in behalf of what we may call adminis- 
trative reform and good government. 

Fellow-citizens, I have always had a pro- 
found confidence in the desire of the conmion 
people of South Carolina for good government. 
I have seen occasions when those who have 
been reared as republicans, taught to believe 
that universal suSrage was safe because it was 
.right, have faltered in their confidence in the 
success of this people in bringing about good 
government in South Carolina. But I can say 
for myself that my confidence in their capacity 
has never been lost, and I have believed, 
through all the mismanagement, corruptions 
and wrongs of tlieir leaders, that the colored 
people, the colored masses of South Carolina, 
were as loyal as auy people in their hearts to 
the demands and necessity of good govern- 
ment in South Carolina. [Cheers.] It is in 
that spirit that I have occupied the last two 
months in visiting the counties of this state 
in order that I might speak to tlie people, not 
only in behalf of the principles of republican- 
ism, but especially in behalf of the principles 
and policy of reform in South Carolina. 

And let me say here, on no occasion have I 
found the people failing in their real and sin- 
cere desire that good government should be 
restored and made permanent and effective in 
South Carolina. The result of this convention, 
in my judgment, in selecting me as the nom- 
inee for governor is due to the spirit of the 
people in South Carolina more than to the 
spirit of the leaders of the republican party. 
The people of South Carolina have believed 
that in the contest of the last two years I 
have represented faithfully the principles and 
the idea of reform, and their voice has been 



beard in this convention, and without auy of 
th« appliances or influences which have char- 
acterized former conventioas, they have stood 
under the fire of the most vigorous assaults 
and have declared their purpose that through 
me. aud those you associate with me on this 
ticket, the great cause of reform should go 
forward until every burden that oppresses this 
people sliould be put away forever. I accept 
tliis nomination, therefore, as an endorsement 
of my conduct upon tiie subject of reform. If 
I could not regard it as an endorsement of my 
administration I could uct accept it, because I 
have no purpose in occupying public position 
in South Carolina, except that I may be instru- 
mental in putting the republican party upon a 
platform that will cause it to command the re- 
spect and confidence of the nation. [Loud 
cheering.] 

You know how little, comparatively, has 
yet been done in this great work of reform iu 
the last two years, but enough has been done 
to point the way and to encourage us to future 
efforts. Taxes have been reduced; a higher 
toue among public officials has been intro- 
duced; the judicial bench has been saved 
from pollutiou; public moneys have been hon- 
estly disbursed; official accountability has 
been established; and now, upon the basis of 
what has been done, it remains for us, in the 
spirit of the platform now adopted, to so for- 
ward devoted to the idea of reform as some- 
thing that is due to all the people of the state, 
and devoted to it because it is the only hope 
and only possibility of success, permautntly 
or presently, for any political party in South 
Carolina. [Cheers.] 

Mr. President and gentlemen, I might pause 
here, but I ihink it is due to the position 
which I hold towards the coming campaign 
that I should seek to impress upon you the 
necessity of completing your work in the 
spirit in which it has been begun. If you 
have nominated me to represent the reforms 
which have been inaugurated during the last 
two years; if your nomination is an endorse- 
ment to any extent of my administration, then 
you are bound to see to it that the ticket that 
is to be associated with me shall be a ticket iu 
harmony with those principles and those pur- 
poses. [Cheers.] I confess to you frankly 
that it will be a difficult question for me to 
determine, if I am not surrounded by those 
whose sympathy and support 1 can enjoy, 
whether it will be worth while for me to enter 
upon this campaign. I am not willing to ad- 
mit, and do not, that you will fail to carry out 
the work you have begun in the spirit in 
wliich you have begriin it. Put upon this 
ticket none but honorable, honest and compe- 
tent republicans. Fill every office upon tliis 
ticket in a manner that shall strengthen the 
nomination which you have already made. 
[Cheers.] 

I cannot of course enter into details, but 
you cannot mistake, in the issues which will 
come before you, the meaning of my words 
when I say that if this ticket, at the head of 
which you have placed me, is to win, it must 
be made up of those who are in harmony 
with the principles and policy which I repre- 
sent; aud not only that but hereafter, when 
the other local couveutions of the republican 
party shall be assembled, and especially when 
you come to make up your legislative tickets, 
above all t'/L.gs don't place before me again 



19 



the task which I have borne during the last 
two years of standing for the cause of reform 
against a legislature the majority of wliom 
were not in sympathy with me. [Cheers.] 

It is a thankless task, an almost fruitless 
task, for the executive to undertake to carry 
out the platform of a party unless he is sup- 
ported by the legislature. If I am not mis- 
taken, therefore, in my interpretation of your 
purpose in selecting me, I am certainly justi- 
fied in calling upon you in all your subsequent 
nominations to select those who represent the 
cause of reform, who have opinions which 
they will stand up for even at the expense uf 
immediate popularity; men who are willing to 
give advice or take action which may not be 
agreeable even to their own party. I have 
but little respect for pohtical life or political 
men if we have not arrived at such a position 
that we are able to go forward in the path of 
duty without immediate success. 

I confess I have never counted the cost of 
these strugsrles. If I had, I should never 
have entered on them. But my gratitude to 
God is constant that in the trials that have 
come upon me during the past two years I 
have been enabled to do my duty without re- 
gard to consequences. [Cheers.] 

In that spirit I stand here to-day for the 
republican party and for reform, for the com- 
plete and entire carrying out of governmental 
reforms in South Carolina. I am for shaking 
off all the remaining abuses that now hinder 
our progress and success. I am for marching 
forward in the same line which the party as a 
whole has taken during the last two years. I 
propose to take no step backwards, but to take 
up the cause of reform and carry it forward, 



qnd I don't know why I am selected to lead in 
this canvass if that is not the spirit of the 
majority of this convention and the republican 
party of South Carolina. [Loud cheers.] 

It is needless for me to say that we are en- 
tering upon a most arduous and difficult cam- 
paign. No campaign which the republican 
party has seen in South Carolina can compare 
with thifj in the intensitj- of spirit already 
evoked; in the importance of the contest in 
the estimation of both parties. We must 
enter upon it upheld and inspired by our poht- ' 
ical principles, and not by the mere desire for 
political power. I shall enter it in that spirit. 
I propose to advocate throughout the state of 
South Carolina, wherever the people shall de- 
sire me to address them, without fear of con- 
sequences, witti such protection as the state 
and United States can give me, in all their 
length and breadth, the principles of the repub- 
lican party and republic.m reforu!. [Cheers.] 
But we need to cheer ourselves with a con- 
stant appreciation of tlie cause in which we 
are engaged; that our liberties, our progress, 
our happiness, not only as a party, but as a 
people, are wrapped up in* the issues of this 
campaign. No matter what dangers threaten, 
let us go forward as honest and sincere repub- 
licans. For myself I boast no courage. I 
fear sometimes that I may turn out to be no 
better than a timid man. But I do trust still 
that every drop of blood in these veins of 
mine would be freely given to stain the scaf- 
fold or boil and bubble at the stake before, by 
any act of mine, the principles of the republi- 
can party shall be betrayed or its great record 
dishonored. [Great applause.] 



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(y. /J 



LB S '12 



